The Political Transformation of Gulf Tribal States: Elitism and the Social Contract in Kuwait, Bahrain and Dubai, 1918-1970s

351 Pages·2022·4.056 MB·English

by  Shaul Yanai

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The reform movements and attempts to establish parliamentary institutions in the
Persian Gulf states of Kuwait, Bahrain and Dubai between the First World War and
the independent era of the 1970s were not inspired by western example or by any
tradition of civil representation. The move to a parliamentary system not only repre-
sented a milestone in the history of the region, creating a legacy for future generations,
but was a unique transition in the Arab world. The transformation of these states from
loose chiefdoms of minimal coherence and centralization, into centralizing and insti-
tutionalized monarchies, involved the setting up of primary institutions of
government, the demarcation of borders, and establishment of a monarchical order.
As this new political and social order evolved, ideas of national struggle and national
rights penetrated Gulf societies. Gulf citizens who had spent time in Arab states,
mostly in Egypt and Iraq, took part in the genesis of a public Arab–Gulf national
discourse, enabling the Gulf population to become acquainted with national struggles
for independence. As a result merchants of notable families, newly educated elements,
and even workers, began to oppose the dominance of the rulers.
Both the rulers and the commercial elites (including members of the ruling families)
tried to formulate a new and different social contract with the rulers seeking to
entrench their political power by using new administrative means and financial power.
Opposition against this current crystallized in 1938 among the ranks of the commer-
cial oligarchy as well as within the ruling families. In spite of its failure to create its own
political institutions, the oligarchy remained the foremost social and economic class.
But the ruling families could no longer treat national oil revenues as their private
income, and they began to channel part of these funds to public needs. The most
important consequence of the ‘1938’ movement was the formation of a new social
contract between the two traditional power centers: the governing structures were
fitted into the political and economic reality brought about by the oil wealth, but
remained essentially tribal and committed to the power division between the major
Gulf families.
Shaul Yanai teaches Middle East history at the Haifa and Hebrew Universities. His
research focuses on political and societies history of the Persian Gulf states. He holds
a PhD of Tel Aviv University. He is co-editor of the book Persian Gulf and the Arab
Peninsula: Societies and States in Transition.
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This book is dedicate to the memory of
Professor Joseph Kostiner,
a mentor and a friend.
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Copyright © Shaul Yanai, 2014.
Published in the Sussex Academic e-Library, 2014.
SUSSEX ACADEMIC PRESS
PO Box 139
Eastbourne BN24 9BP, UK
and simultaneously in the United States of America and Canada
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes
of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Yanai, Shaul.
The political transformation of Gulf tribal states : elitism and the social contract in Kuwait,
Bahrain and Dubai, 1918–1970s / Shaul Yanai.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-84519-615-8 (hardback : acid-free paper)
ISBN 978-1-78284-178-4 (e-pub)
ISBN 978-1-78284-179-1 (e-mobi)
ISBN 978-1-78284-180-7 (e-pdf)
1. Persian Gulf States—Politics and government—20th century. 2. Kuwait—Politics
and government—20th century. 3. Bahrain—Politics and government—20th century.
4. Dubayy (United Arab Emirates : Emirate)—Politics and government—20th century.
5. Social change—Persian Gulf States—History—20th century. 6. Political culture—
Persian Gulf States—History—20th century. 7. Tribal government—Persian Gulf
States—History—20th century. 8. Elite (Social sciences)—Persian Gulf States—
History—20th century. 9. Social contract—Persian Gulf States—History—20th century.
I. Title.
DS247.A138Y26 2015
953.6—dc23
2014012833
This e-book text has been prepared for electronic viewing. Some features, including
tables and figures, might not display as in the print version, due to
electronic conversion limitations and/or copyright strictures.
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Contents
Foreword by Prof. Uzi Rabi viii
Preface ix
List of Illustrations x
Introduction 1
Part I From Chiefdoms to Tribal States: Kuwait, Bahrain, and Dubai
until 1930
Introduction to Part I 11
1 Foundations of the Tribal State 13
Tribal Society in Transition 13
Kuwait: The Essence of a Tribal Merchant State 16
Bahrain: Tribal–State Relations 19
Dubai: Chiefdom and State 23
Summary 28
2 Relations between Merchant Elites and Ruling Families: 29
From the late Nineteenth Century to the Early 1920s
The Roots of Political Rivalry between the Elites and Ruling Families 29
Kuwait: Sources of Utub Elite Power 32
Undermining the Status of the Utub Elite 35
Bahrain: Tribal Elite–State Conflict 42
Dubai: The al-Maktoum Family and the Tribal Elite 50
Summary 53
3 The Rise of the Tribal State in the 1920s 55
Kuwait: The 1921 Majlis 56
The Elite between Crisis and Reform 64
Bahrain: Institutionalization of the Tribal State 68
Uprising of the Tribal Elite 73
Dubai: Preservation of the Tribal State 78
Schism and Crisis in the al-Maktoum Family 79
Summary of Part I 86
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vi | Contents
Part II The Change in Tribal Policy: The Period of Centralism
and Parliamentarianism, 1930–1938
Introduction to Part II 91
4 Modernization, Tradition and the Utub Elite in Kuwait 94
The Concentration of Power: Sheikh Ahmad al-Sabah 94
The Demand for Reforms in the Second Half of the 1930s 98
Sheikh Ahmad al-Sabah’s Foreign Policy 101
The Reform Movement of 1938 106
5 Dubai: Tradition and Modernization 116
Attempts at Regime Change 116
The Weakening of the Tribal Elite 120
Dubai’s Reform Movement of 1938 122
6 Bahrain: Modernization of the Tribal State in the 1930s 131
Building State Institutions 131
The Shiite Reform Movement of 1935 135
The Reform Movement of 1938 138
Britain and the Reform Movement of 1938 147
The Failure of the 1938 Reform Movement 152
Summary of Part II 155
Part III Parliamentarianism and Tribalism: The Crisis Years, 1938–1940
Introduction to Part III 163
7 Kuwait’s Legislative Council, 1938–1939 166
The Struggle over the Legislative Council’s Powers 166
Modernization of the Tribal State 169
Opposition to the Legislative Council 174
Dissolution of the Legislative Council 181
Election of the Second Legislative Council and Debate 186
over its Powers
The Failure of the Kuwaiti Constitutional Council 194
8 Dubai’s Legislative Council, 1938–1940 198
Institutionalization of the Tribal State 198
The Power Struggle between the Legislative Council 202
and Sheikh Sa’id al-Maktoum
The Violent Dissolution of the Legislative Council 206
Explaining the Legislative Council’s Failure 210
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Contents | vii
Part IV Parliamentarianism in the Age of Independence
Introduction to Part IV 215
9 The Development of a New Political Culture 218
Conflicts within the Kuwaiti al-Sabah Family Prior to Independence 218
A New Political Culture in the al-Sabah family 222
The Integration of the Merchant Families into State-building 225
Parliamentarianism in the Age of Independence 229
10 The Evolution of Tribal Autocracy in Bahrain 237
Demands for Political Reforms 237
Failure of the Opposition 244
Autocracy Put to the Test 249
Conclusion 259
Notes 267
Bibliography 305
Index 313
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Foreword by Uzi Rabi
Director, Moshe Dayan Center for
Middle East and African Studies,
Tel Aviv University
Parliamentary process development in the Persian Gulf states (Kuwait, Bahrain, and
the UAE) has been unique, especially when contrasted with other, better known cases.
The Gulf states did not follow the example of the West or any local traditions of civil
representation, but instead evolved independently. Such evolution was informed by
distinct cultural factors and their location on the periphery of the Arab world.
The main process discussed in this work is one of centralization. These states began
as loose chiefdoms of minimal coherence. In the years following the First World War,
they coalesced into firmly institutionalized, consolidated monarchies. In so doing,
primary institutions of government were formed, state borders were demarcated, and
a monarchical order was established. A new political and social structure thus evolved.
The penetration and conceptualization of the ideas of “national struggle” and
“national rights” is an important additional process. Such concepts percolated into
Gulf societies through several routes: Visitors and students who had spent time in Arab
states, mostly Egypt and Iraq, and teachers from those states who taught in the Gulf,
and who took part in the genesis of a public Arab-national discourse, within both
educated circles and the local press. Through this discourse, the Gulf population
became acquainted with national struggles for independence in other Arab states. This
study demonstrates the consequences of the above-mentioned processes. Merchants
belonging to notable families, newly educated elements, and even common laborers,
began to oppose the dominance of the rulers, who sought to entrench their political
power through administrative and financial means.
Both the ruling class and the commercial elites attempted to form a new and
different social contract. In Kuwait, opposition crystallized among the latter in 1938,
but was ultimately unsuccessful. Nevertheless, an important consequence of that
movement was the formation of a new social contract between these two traditional
power centers. Governing structures were incorporated into the new political and
economic reality that was created by oil wealth. Despite this, society remained essen-
tially tribal in nature, with a firm commitment to the division of power between
prominent families. Despite a failure to create political institutions, the commercial
elite nevertheless remained the premiere social and economic class. The ruling fami-
lies were forced to forego their interests, to treat national oil revenues as their private
ones, and to channel a portion of these funds toward public welfare.
This work represents a significant contribution to our understanding of parlia-
mentary process development in the Persian Gulf, and is a valuable resource for all
those who wish to understand the complexities of such phenomena.
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Preface
This book examines the transformation of Kuwait, Bahrain, and Dubai from tribal
entities to centralized tribal states from the end of the nineteenth century to 1970s —
the key period in the political, social, and economic shaping of these states. It explains
the changes that tribal elites of the three countries underwent and their adaptation to
the political reality of the Persian Gulf after the First World War by their impressive
ability to preserve tribal frameworks during their transformation. Such an achieve-
ment is little short of amazing given the Arab nationalistic ideological challenges that
their leaders and peoples had to cope with.
The research demanded lengthy stays in London while I perused volumes of
literary material and photocopied an enormous quantity of books and articles. These
tasks could never have been accomplished without the generous assistance of donors
and research grants. My gratitude goes out to the following people and foundations:
The family of the late Professor Uriel Dan for providing me with a scholarship. As
one of Professor Dan’s pupils, the scholarship bearing his name has brought me lasting
satisfaction. I am also indebted to the Department of Middle Eastern and African
History at Tel Aviv University that gave me a subsistence scholarship during the years
of the research which enabled me to devote my time to writing. I shall never forget
Mr. Dov Guttesman’s kindness and generosity that allowed me to spend time
researching the archives in London; and the Rothschild Foundation for funding my
travel expenses and stay in Great Britain.
During my work I received invaluable assistance from Ms. Anat Natan in
processing and cataloging the archival material that I brought from London, which
facilitated my work immensely. I am also grateful to Ms. Hanita Atias-Wenkert, secre-
tary of the Doctoral Students Committee at the School of Historical Studies, Tel Aviv
University, for her indefatigable support in locating scholarships and research grants
throughout the years of my research.
Special thanks are owed to my advisor Professor Yosef Kostiner. Words fail me in
describing the assistance, devotion, and wisdom that Professor Kostiner provided at
every stage of this work. As an advisor, he spared no effort to comment and elucidate
any and all subjects. The book is dedicated to his memory.
Last, but not least, I wish to express my deep gratitude to Professor Uzi Rabi at
the Moshe Dayan Centre for Middle Eastern and African Studies; his comments and
advice have improved the manuscript and brought the work to its present standard.