THE PHONOLOGY OF ATTIC IN THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD STUDIA GRAECA ET LATINA GOTHOBURGENSIA XL THE PHONOLOGY OF ATTIC IN THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD BY SVEN-TAGE TEODORSSON ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS C Sven-Tage Teodol'88on Printed with the aid of the Humaniatiak-Sarnbi11avetenskapliga Fonkningsrldet Distributon: ACTA UNIVERSITATIS GOTHOBURGENSIS Box 5096, S-402 22 Goteborg 5, Sweden ISBN 91-7346-059-1 (pb) ISBN 91-7346-060-5 (cloth) ISSN 0081-6450 Printed in Sweden by . A,lm~t & W~R,.,:Q~~ 1?~8. . TABLE OF CONTENTS Pre/ooe ..• 6 Introductory. 7 Chapter 1 Th6 Ba8t,8 of the Relational Study . 11 Chapter 2 A. Phonemic-Graphemic Relational Study of Helleniatic Attic. 14 Non-Phonetic Factors of Orthographic Variation ..• 14 Context-Sensitive Factors of Orthographic Variation 17 The Corpus ....• 17 Operational Principles. 18 Orthographic Data • 20 Chapter 3 Phonetic Eooluation 67 PreJiroinaries. . . 67 Phonetic Evaluation 68 Chapter 4 Phonemic A.nalyBia 91 General Observations . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . 91 Development of the Two Phonemic Subsystems of Attic 94 Chapter 5 Oonduding Oonaiderationa 99 The Historical Setting. • 103 Parallels in Other Languages 107 Attic and Koine . . . . . . 111 BibUography 114: Souroes of the Data Collection . 114: Other Literature . • 114: Notaliona and A~ 118 120 Subject Index • 120 List of Orthographic Variations 122 PREFACE In 1974 my first study of Attic phonology was published. The aim of the work was to investigate the range and position of the innovative popular phonological system of Attic, an entity familiar to all Greek historical linguists. This "vulgar" Attic pronunciation has generally been looked upon as used mainly or exclusively by minor groups (tradefolk, work men, slaves, etc.), and it was also thought to have been caused by external, Boeotian or other, influence. A revision of current methods in this field of research seemed desir able. Two demands should be met: the collection of infrequent ortho graphic variants ought to comprise all extant instan088, and the data should be evaluated systematically. These methodological principles have been fundamental to all three studies alike. The comprehensive study of orthographic variation in Attic showed that "vulgar" orthographic variants are rather frequent even in official documents, which suggests that the innovative pronunciation was more widespread in late classical times than has hitherto been recognized. Other kinds of evidence also supported this conclusion but showed especially clearly that the conservative pronunciation was still used for centuries after the classical period. These results inspired my investigation of the Ptolemaic orthography (1977). Like F. Gignac (1976) I left out the 8800ndary material as being of limited value for the exploration of the history of the language. As a result of the study it could be established that the phonology of Ptolemaic Koine was in some respects more conservative than late classical Attic. The present study differs considerably from the previous ones in that the sociolinguistic aspect is much more prominent. The relative ranges of the two major phonological subsystems form a main subject for discus sion in Chapters 3 and 4 and in part of Chapter 5. One aim of this book-and of the project as a whole-was to clarify the relations between Attic and Koine. The results attained made poss- ible the outline of the evolution of Koine presented. at the end of Chap ter 5. The work was supported by the Humanistisk-Samhallsvetenskapliga Fol'Akoin~d.det, which also defrayed the expense of printing. Thanks are due, above all, to Professor Cajus Fabricius for reading large parts of the manuscript and offering valuable criticism. I also thank Fil. kand. Ferenc Tafferner who typed the rather difficult manuscript. Goteborg, November 1978 Sven-T<VJeT eodorsson INTRODUCTORY The origin of Koine, the Common Greek language, and its relation to the Attic dialect are important issues in the history of Greek. Con sidering that Modem Greek, with all its contemporary variation, derives ultimately from Hellenistic Koine, 1 the transition from Attic to Koine appears especially interesting. The present study is the third and last part of a project on Attic and Ptolemaic phonology designed to contri bute to the knowledge and understanding of the development of Attic and the relations between Attic and Koine.1 Since the present investiga tion is a direct sequel to the first part, it should be studied in close con nection with that work. Knowledge of the phonological history of a language is fundamental for any adequate and total description of its development. The phonetic evolution and the nature, order, and chronology of the phonological changes that have taken place in the language are of basic importance to anyone who wants to write the history of its morphology or describe its dialectology. Phonological research on remote language stages is never an easy task. The information available is mostly fragmentary and often am biguous. The case of Greek, however, is certainly less problematic than most other languages thanks to the rich stock of extant primary written documents from various periods and regions. This is especially true of Attic and Ptolemaic Koine and, consequently, this was another in centive, besides the central problem of the relation Attic--Koine as such, to undertake the investigation project. Like the first two studies, the present one is an orthographic study. The underlying theory is that, on condition that there exists a suffi- 1 Beside Tsakonian there are remnants of the old dialects in various Modem Greek dialects. Cf., for example, Debrunner 1969: 48-50; Taopanakis 1955; Newton 1967; Rohlfs 1973; And.riotis 1974. 1 Teodoraaon 1974 and 1977. 8 ciently large corpus of primary written documents from the period and area under investigation, a comprehensive study of the orthography of those texts can provide the most reliable information about the phonetic and phonological patterns of the language. The Attic of the classical and Hellenistic periods, as well as the Ptolemaic Greek, can be regarded as fu]filling this requirement. The most conspicuous orthographic variations and alternations found in Ancient Greek documents have been studied thoroughly by many scholars for a long time. The more infrequent ones have also generally been observed and discussed. Unfortunately, however, there has always been a lack of a systematic approach to the material, which, among other factors, has given rise to quite diverging opinions on Ancient Greek pronunciation. The starting-point of this project was the idea that the traditional orthographic norm must not be presupposed to reflect the pronunciation but rather to disguise the actual phonetic and phonological state of the language, while infrequent orthografic variants should in principle be looked upon as caused by a changed correspondence between phoneme and grapheme.8 By collecting instances of infrequent orthographic variants as completely as possible and evaluating this material in a systematic way, it is likely that the judgments made about the phono logy of the language investigated will be more exact than those based on a selective and widely <Mhl oe method. Besides the internal, orthographic, data there is also the secondary material, orthophonic information, rhymes, allusions, onomatopoeia, and loan-words. This type of evidence may also be of value for the phonologist in reconstructing the phonology of a language at a point of time in the past. But there are often serious difficulties in using that material. It can hardly be evaluated in a statistical way. It is often im- 1 Teodorsson 1974: 172, Princtp'le 3, and 173.-In research on the historical pho nology of other languages than Greek this basic principle seems to have been more generally made use of. "Occasional or naive spellings render most readily all distributional changes found in colloquial speech . • • The traditional orthography usually reflects the forms of slow, careful speech •.• Occasional spellings indicate general (unconditioned) or limited (conditioned) phonemic merger. They may do this preceding to a general orthographic change. They may reveal the phonemic change the orthography does not show through any adjustment" (Penzl 1967: 202-203). For examples of practical application of this principle, cf. Braune 1891: 38-39; Behaghel 1911: 84-85; Zachrisaon 1913: 62-91, 165-161, and 224-225; Wyld 1920: 65-73 and 113-117; Penzl 1947: 34-36.-See further disouaaion below, pp. 99-103.