The Origin and Development of Nonconcatenative Morphology by Andrew Kingsbury Simpson A ...

315 Pages·2009·1.64 MB·English

The Origin and Development of Nonconcatenative Morphology

by

Andrew Kingsbury Simpson

A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the

requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

in Linguistics

in the

Graduate Division

of the

University of California, Berkeley

Committee in charge:

Professor Gary Holland, Chair
Dr. John Hayes
Professor Sharon Inkelas
Professor Ronald Hendel

Fall 2009

1
Abstract
The Origin and Development of Nonconcatenative Morphology
by
Andrew Kingsbury Simpson
Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics
University of California, Berkeley
Professor Gary Holland, Chair

Nonconcatenative morphology refers to a type of word formation involving modification
of the internal structure of a word. This study includes a survey and detailed examination of the
historical processes that have created and modified the nonconcatenative morphological
alternations in the Semitic language family and discussion of the consequences these processes
have for our understanding of morphological structure more generally.

This thesis argues that the developments and resulting patterns of Semitic morphology
can be accounted for by reference to a small set of basic mechanisms of change. The most
fundamental mechanism is reinterpretation, in which a listener interprets an input differently
from that intended by a speaker. The frequency of a particular change is dependent on the
likelihood of a reinterpretation due to inherent ambiguities and biases introduced by general
human cognition, the physics and physiology of speech and contact between languages. Three
main processes result in the creation or disruption of nonconcatenative morphology. The first
and perhaps most important is the morphologization of previously phonological alternations.
This includes alternations related to the long-distance influence of a vowel or consonant and
those occasioned by the prosodic structure of a word, particularly stress placement. The other
two processes are analogy and the reinterpretation of syntactic structures as morphological ones.

Nonconcatenative alternations are so prevalent in the Semitic languages that words can
be analyzed as consisting of a “root” made up of consonants indicating the basic meaning and
“patterns” that provide a more specific meaning or syntactic function. While the Semitic roots
and patterns certainly have a psychological reality, they do not play a role in every domain.
Unlike other morphological constituents, the patterns are not used in processes of analogical
leveling nor do they appear to inhibit changes which make alternations more opaque. The
historical processes that affect the morphology proceed largely without reference or regard to the
existing roots and patterns.
i

Table of Contents

Chapter 1. Approaching structure and change in the Semitic languages
1.1. Introduction...........................................................................................................................1
1.1. Assumptions about linguistic change...............................................................................2
1.2.1. Emergence of grammar: explaining linguistic patterns.................................................3
1.2.2. Two guiding principles: parsimony and naturalness.....................................................5
1.3. Approaching structure...........................................................................................................8
1.3.1. Does Semitic morphology consist of roots and patterns?..............................................8
1.3.2. Regularity and productivity.........................................................................................13
1.4. Review of assumptions........................................................................................................23

Chapter 2. The structure and reconstruction of the Proto-Semitc verbal system
2.1. Introduction.........................................................................................................................24
2.2. Preliminaries to reconstruction............................................................................................24
2.2.1. Notes on classification.................................................................................................24
2.2.2. Notes on writing systems.............................................................................................26
2.3. Nouns, adjectives and pronouns..........................................................................................28
2.3.1. Reconstruction of adjectival and nominal forms.........................................................28
2.3.2. Reconstructing the prehistory of Semitic (and Afroasiatic) pronouns and verbal
inflection................................................................................................................................30
2.3.3 Explaining the distribution of /t/ and /k/.......................................................................33
2.3.3.1. The distribution of /t/ and /k/ in second person forms in Afroasiatic...................34
2.3.3.2. The distribution of /t/ and /k/ in first and second person forms in Semitic..........46
2.3.4. Proposed reconstruction of pronouns and inflection in Proto-Semitic........................51
2.4. The basic tense, aspect and mood distinctions of Semitic..................................................54
2.4.1. Imperative, jussive and perfect....................................................................................55
2.4.2. Imperfect......................................................................................................................57
2.4.3. Modal suffixes.............................................................................................................64
2.4.4. The Akkadian iptaras perfect......................................................................................66
2.4.5. Summary of reconstruction.........................................................................................66

Chapter 3. The phonological origins of new morphological alternations
3.1. Introduction.........................................................................................................................68
3.2. Typology of alternations.....................................................................................................68
3.2.1. Segmentally conditioned alternations..........................................................................68
3.2.2. Prosodically conditioned alternations..........................................................................70
3.3. The segmental origin of non-linear alternations in Semitic languages: the case of the 2FSG
suffix and other suffixes in the Semitic languages.....................................................................71
3.3.1. The forms and development of 2FSG suffixes in the Semitic family...........................71
3.3.1.1. Imperfect indicative suffixes {-īn(a)} and {-ūn(a)}.............................................72
3.3.1.2. The original contrast in Central Semitic...............................................................75
3.3.1.3. Two developmental paths for the 2FSG and related suffixes in Northwest Semitic
............................................................................................................................................76
ii
3.3.1.4. Jussive function vs. jussive form in Biblical Hebrew...........................................77
3.3.1.5. Parallel developments in the modern Arabic dialects...........................................79
3.3.2. Palatalization in the Semitic languages.......................................................................81
3.3.2.1. Basic facts of palatalization in the Ethiosemitic languages..................................81
3.3.2.2. Palatalization across the Semitic family: the palatalization of velars...................83
3.3.2.3. Scope and character of palatal inventories and palatalization in Ethiosemitic.....93
3.3.3. Palatalization, labialization and ablaut in the morphology of Ethiosemitic................94
3.3.4. Ablaut in Modern South Arabian languages.............................................................103
3.3.4.1. Ablaut in Jibbāli..................................................................................................104
3.3.4.2. 2FSG ablaut in the other Modern South Arabian languages................................107
3.3.4.3. Plural ablaut in the other Modern South Arabian languages..............................111
3.4. Prosodic origin of non-linear alternations.........................................................................116
3.4.1. Vowel reduction and nonconcatenative morphology................................................117
3.4.2. Prosodic changes and their influence on the morphology in Hebrew.......................128
3.4.2.1. General prosodic and vocalic changes................................................................128
3.4.2.2. The creation of ablaut: the case of the Hebrew jussive......................................129
3.4.3. The case of Modern South Arabian languages..........................................................130
3.4.3.1. Vowel reduction and tonic lengthening in MSA................................................131
3.4.3.2. Active and stative/passive vocalizations in MSA and other Semitic languages.135
3.5. Conclusions.......................................................................................................................143

Chapter 4. Change in nonconcatenative morphology: The case of the Semitic derived
stems
4.1. Introduction.......................................................................................................................144
4.2. The role of semantics and the fate of derived forms.........................................................145
4.2.1. The T- and N-stems: Semitic reflexive forms...........................................................146
4.2.1.1. Competition and loss...........................................................................................148
4.2.1.2. Reconstructing the meaning of the T- and N-stems: evidence from Akkadian,
Ugaritic and Arabic..........................................................................................................156
4.2.1.3. A possible scenario for the development of the T- and N-stems........................160
4.2.2. The D- and Š-stems: Semitic factitive and causative forms......................................160
4.2.2.1. The fate of the D- and Š-stems...........................................................................161
4.2.2.2. Seeking explanations for patterns: the function and development of the D- and Š-
stems................................................................................................................................163
4.3. Morphological and phonological factors in the development of the derived stems..........165
4.3.1. Paradigmatic leveling in the Semitic languages........................................................166
4.3.1.1. The Classical Arabic verbal system and the reconstruction of the Proto-Semitic
system of derived stems...................................................................................................166
4.3.1.2. Leveling in stems with t preformative................................................................168
4.3.1.3. The process of leveling in other derived stems...................................................176
4.3.1.4. Review of the changes from Proto-Semitic to the Classical Semitic languages.179
4.3.1.5. Further support for generalizations: the case of Arabic......................................181
4.3.1.6. Further support for generalizations: the case of the Ethiosemitic languages......187
4.3.2. Phonology and morphology in the restructuring of some Arabic dialects................194
4.3.2.1. Phonological neutralization: changes in the verbal system of dialects of the
Maghreb (Northwest Africa)............................................................................................194
iii
4.3.2.2. The loss of ablaut in Egyptian Arabic.................................................................203
4.4. Conclusions.......................................................................................................................204

Chapter 5. The development of new verbal forms from non-verbal forms
5.1. Introduction.......................................................................................................................205
5.2. Syntactic reanalysis in the development of new verbal forms..........................................206
5.2.1. Morphological marking and reanalysis: the West Semitic perfect and the Ethiosemitic
gerundive.............................................................................................................................208
5.2.1.1. Divergence: the development of the gerundive suffixes from the possessive
suffixes.............................................................................................................................209
5.2.1.2. Convergence: the Ethiosemitic gerundive and perfect inflection.......................211
5.3. Syntactic structure and reanalysis.....................................................................................213
5.3.1. Morphosyntax and reanalysis: the mixed status of the active participle and other
deverbal forms.....................................................................................................................214
5.3.1.1. Mixed status of participles and verbal nouns in Arabic......................................214
5.3.1.2. Mixed status of participles and verbal nouns in other Semitic languages..........218
5.3.2. Syntax and reanalysis: word order patterns...............................................................225
5.3.2.1. Language contact and word order change..........................................................227
5.3.2.2. Basic word order patterns in Semitic..................................................................233
5.3.3. Accounting for word order variation.........................................................................236
5.3.3.1. Word order generalizations in the Semitic languages.........................................237
5.3.3.2. Nominal sentence word order.............................................................................254
5.4. New verb forms in Aramaic..............................................................................................261
5.4.1. History and classification of the Aramaic languages................................................263
5.4.2. New forms derived from participles..........................................................................266
5.4.2.1. Enclitic pronouns and the nominal inflection of the participle...........................266
5.4.2.2. Variations in nominal sentence word order........................................................268
5.4.2.3. Grammaticalization and the formation of new paradigms in Eastern Aramaic..274
5.4.2.4. Analogy and the formation of new paradigms in Western Neo-Aramaic..........275
5.5. The development of the West Semitic perfect..................................................................276
5.5.1. The origin of the West Semitic perfect inflection in the independent pronouns.......277
5.5.2. Reanalysis and Analogy in the formation of the West Semitic perfect.....................281

Chapter 6. Summary and conclusions....................................................................................284

References...................................................................................................................................286
iv

List of Symbols and Abbreviations

Grammatical Symbols
< … > orthographic representation
{ … } morphological representation
/ … / phonological representation
[ … ] phonetic representation or textual reconstruction
˹…˺ partial reconstruction
( … ) optional element
- morpheme boundary or symbol used to separate transcription of cuneiform signs
in a single word
. symbol used to mark meaning components of a single morpheme or a morpheme
involving a nonconcatenative alternation
= clitic boundary
* reconstructed form

Grammatical Abbreviations
1 first person INF.CONST infinitive construct
2 second person INT interrogative
3 third person IO indirect object
ACC accusative JUSS jussive
ACT.PART active participle M masculine
COLL collective MDU masculine dual
COMP complementizer or complement MSG masculine singular
CONST construct MPL masculine plural
CV consecutive/converted imperfect NEG negation
DEF definite NOM nominative
DEM demonstrative OBJ object or object marker
DIR directive PASS.PART passive participle
DIS distal PART participle
DU dual PAST past tense
EL elative PERF perfect
ENCL enclitic PL plural
F feminine PL.EX exclusive plural
FDU feminine dual PL.IN inclusive plural
FPL feminine plural POSS possessive
FSG feminine singular PRET preterite
GEN genitive PTCL particle
GER gerund or gerundive REL relativizer
IMP imperative SG singular
IMPF imperfect SUBJ subject or subjunctive
IND independent TMA tense/mood/aspect
INDIC indicative VA verbal adjective
INF infinitive VN verbal noun
v
Language Abbreviations
Akk. Akkadian ONA Old North Arabian
Amh. Amharic OSA Old South Arabian
Ar. Arabic Pers. Persian
Aram. Aramaic Ph. Phoenician
Arg. Argobba PMSA Proto-MSA
BA Biblical Aramaic Pu. Punic
Byb. Byblian PS Proto-Semitic
CA Classical Arabic PSS Proto-South-Semitic
Eng. English PWS Proto-West-Semitic
Ge. Ge‘ez Qat. Qatabanian
Har. Harari Rif. Rifian Berber
Heb. Hebrew Sab. Sabean
Ḥar. Ḥarsūsi Si. Siwi Berber
IA Imperial Aramaic Sic. Sicilian
It. Italian Soq. Soqotri.
Jib. Jibbāli Tg. Tigrinya
ME Middle Egyptian Tk. Tamashek
Meh. Mehri Turk. Turkish
MSA Modern South Arabian Tz. Tamazight
NPu. Neo-Punic
OE Old Egyptian

Source Abbreviations
Biblical references follow the style of the Society of Biblical Literature. The conventions for
naming early Hebrew inscriptions and documents follow Gogel 1998.

Aphr. The homilies of Aphraates (Wright 1868)
Apost. Apocr. The apocryphal acts of the apostles (Wright 1871)
BAP Brooklyn Aramaic Papyri (Kraeling 1953)
BDB A Hebrew and English lexicon of the Old Testament
(Brown, Driver and Briggs 1907)
CIS Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum
Cit. Citadel of Ammon (Horn 1969)
D Bir ed-Dreder (Goodchild 1954)
DA Deir Alla (Hackett 1984)
DM A Mandaic dictionary (Drower and Macuch 1963)
EA El Amarna (Knudtzon 1964)
Ephr. S. Ephraem Syri Opera (Roman Edition, see Nöldeke 1904)
Gy Ginza Yamina (Petermann 1867)
IFSC Inscriptions from fifty Safaitic cairns (Winnett and Harding 1978)
IRT Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitana (Reynolds and Ward-Perkins 1952)
J Sabean Inscriptions from Maḥram Bilqîs (Mârib) (Jamme 1962)
Jos. St. The chronicle of Joshua the Stylite (Wright 1882)
KAI Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften (Donner and Röllig
1973)
vi
KL Kâmid el-Lôz (see Sivan 2001)
KTU Dietrich, Loretz and Sanmartín 1995
LM Petermann 1867
Mart. Acta martyrum orientalium et occidentalium (Assemani 1748)
NP Neo-Punic Inscriptions (see Harris 1936:160-161)
Oxf. Oxford liturgical collection in Lidzbarski [1920] 1962
Ov. S. Ephraemi Syri, Rabulae Episcopi Edesseni, Balaei Aliorumque Opera
Selecta (Overbeck 1865)
Poen. Plautus’ Poenulus
PRU III Le Palais royal d’ Ugarit 3 (Nougayrol 1955)
RES Répertoire d’épigraphie semitique
Sim. Life of St. Simeon Stylites (Assemani 1748, Vol. 2)
TAD Textbook of Aramaic documents from Ancient Egypt (Porten and Yardeni
1986-1999)
Umm- el-Awamid Magnanini 1973
vii

Acknowledgments

I would like to acknowledge the debt I have to all of the teachers and colleagues who helped to
shape my views and whose contributions are too numerous to list. Above all, I would like to
thank Gary Holland, without whom I may never have gotten to this point. Thanks are also due to
the other members of my committee. My dissertation looks at a range of phenomena across
many languages. My committee helped me to consider these phenomena from many
perspectives. Sharon Inkelas provided me a much needed theoretical perspective and an
expansive knowledge of the morphological and phonological literature. John Hayes has
contributed so much to both my knowledge of and obsession with the Semitic languages, from
North Arabian graffiti to Ugaritic epics. Ron Hendel brought an important outside perspective,
helping to make my work relevant and understandable to a wider audience. Special thanks to
Juliette Blevins who has influenced my ideas deeply and spurred the thinking that led to this
study. Thanks to Ian Maddieson for his comments on an early form of this work and other work.
Thanks to my friend Jordan Finkin for always listening to my ideas enthusiastically.
I would like to express my love and gratitude to my family. To my mother and father for
encouraging me and shaping me. To my brother Jamie for an adventurousness spirit that has
contributed to my love of language. To my Grandma Norma, the only person in my family who
really understood why I wanted to study linguistics. To my wife Becky who has always listened
carefully to my ideas and has read everything I have written diligently, I have endless gratitude.
I would also like to dedicate this dissertation to the memory of my grandparents, Ray and
Jo Ann, who both passed this year. You are truly missed.