The nominal pitch accent system of South Kyungsang Korean

41 Pages·2014·1.45 MB·English

JEastAsianLinguist(2014)23:71–111
DOI10.1007/s10831-013-9119-x
The nominal pitch accent system of South Kyungsang
Korean
·
Hyunjung Lee Jie Zhang
Received:13August2011/Accepted:11January2013/Publishedonline:19December2013
©SpringerScience+BusinessMediaDordrecht2013
Abstract ThecurrentpaperinvestigatesthenominalpitchaccentsysteminSouth
KyungsangKoreanthroughanacousticstudyandpresentsaphonologicalanalysisfor
thesystembasedontheacousticresults.ThedatawerecollectedfromfourmaleSouth
Kyungsang speakers by recording monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with various
typesofsuffixes.Thepitchresultsconfirmedtheaccentdistinctionsreportedinearlier
worksonthelanguage,andwefoundthatsuffixesmayalsobearcontrastiveaccent.
We analyzed the pitch accent system as having three pre-linked accents and one
defaultaccent.Twoofthepre-linkedaccentscountfromtheleftandarelinkedtothe
initialandpeninitialmorasoftheroot,respectively,andbothspreadonemoratothe
right.Theotherpre-linkedaccentcountsfromtheright(penult)anddoesnotspread.
ThisanalysisfitsinwiththeculminativetonetypologyestablishedinEvans(Typesof
tonal culminativity in language of Sichuan and elsewhere, 2009). An Optimality
Theoreticanalysisthatderivesthesurfacetonepatternsforboththedefaultandpre-
linkedaccentsisproposed,andtheproposaliscomparedwithearlieranalysesofpitch
accentsinNorthandSouthKyungsangKorean.
Keywords South Kyungsang Korean · Pitch accent · Culminativity ·
Tone spreading · Optimality Theory
1 Introduction
The current study examines the nominal pitch accent system in South Kyungsang
Korean. Unlike Standard Seoul Korean, which does not distinguish words using
H.Lee·J.Zhang
DepartmentofLinguistics,UniversityofKansas,1541LilacLane,Lawrece,KS66044,USA
H.Lee(&)
DepartmentofLinguistics,UniversityofChicago,1010E59thStreet,Chicago,IL60637,USA
e-mail:[email protected]
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72 H.Lee,J.Zhang
tonal contrasts, North and South Kyungsang dialects of Korean may use tonal
differences in a word to cue meaning differences. We refer to the systems as pitch
accent systems as the use of tone in these languages is different from that in a
canonical tone language (e.g., Chinese) in that tone is restricted in its distribution
(see, e.g., Yip 2002). The North and South Kyungsang dialects share many of the
pitch contrasts, as shown in (1). But South Kyungsang preserved the rising pitch
accent (R) from Middle Korean (15th century), while North Kyungsang did not.
This R accent1 is realized as a rising tone on monosyllabic roots and as LH on
disyllabic roots in South Kyungsang whereas R has merged with H(H) in North
Kyungsang,asshownin(2).DuetodifferenthistoricaldevelopmentbetweenSouth
and North Kyungsang, while North Kyungsang has only one LH pattern, South
Kyungsang has two types of LHs that are distinguished morphophonemically, as
shown in (3) (Kenstowicz et al. 2008). The Kyungsang data are transcribed
according to the Yale Romanization (Martin 1992).
(1) South and North Kyungsang:
HL ka´c`ı ‘kind (n.)’
HH ka´c´ı ‘branch’
LH ka`c´ı ‘eggplant’
(2) South Kyungsang: North Kyungsang:
R nwuˇn H nwu´:n ‘snow’
LH sa`la´m HH sa´:la´m ‘person’
(3) South Kyungsang: North Kyungsang:
LH-L pa`la´m-`ı LH-L pa`la´m-`ı ‘wind-nom.’
LH-H sa`la´m-´ı HH-L sa´:la´m-`ı ‘person-nom.’
WefocusonthenominalpitchpatternofSouthKyungsangKoreaninthisstudy,but
we also refer to previous studies on North Kyungsang for analytical insights (e.g.,
KenstowiczandSohn1997;Kim1997;Chang2005;Lee2008).Westartbyreviewing
thedescriptivepatternsofpitchaccentinSouthKyungsangandproposingthegoalsof
thecurrentstudy.WethenreportanacousticstudyoffourSouthKyungsangspeakers
ontheiruseofpitchaccent,followedbyaformalanalysisofthepitchaccentsystem.
1 Someotherstudies(Utsugi2009;LeeandDavis2009)usetheLtonedescriptioninsteadofR.We
adopt the R tone description for the following two reasons. First, the R description better reflects its
phoneticpropertiesthantheLdescriptionasitbettercaptures(1)thefactthattherimedurationofthis
classofwordsislongerthanthatoftheHightoneclassastherisingcontourrequiresalongerdurationto
implement(Zhang2002),and(2)thelackofdifferenceintheF0peakvaluesofthisclassfromtheHigh
toneclass(Chang2007).Second,theRtonedescriptionbettermatchesthetonesystemofMiddleKorean
(fifteenthcentury).ThewordsinthemonosyllabicRanddisyllabicLHclassesusedtobeintheRandRL
classesinMiddleKorean,respectively(Ramsey1975;Kenstowiczetal.2008).Therefore,usingtheR
tonedescriptionallowsustodirectlyindicatethedifferenthistoricaldevelopment ofthepitchsystem
betweentheSouthandNorthKyungsangdialectsofKoreanandthusallowsustobeinabetterpositionto
tracethehistoricalchangesoftheKyungsangaccentsystem.
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PitchaccentofSouthKyungsangKorean 73
Comparisonsofouranalysiswithotherapproaches,directionsforfutureresearch,and
otherconcludingremarksareprovidedattheend.
1.1 Descriptions of tonal patterns in South Kyungsang Korean
In monosyllabic words, South Kyungsang Korean has pitch accent minimal pairs
suchasnwún(H)‘eye’versusnwǔn(R)‘snow’andmál(H)‘horse’versusmǎl(R)
‘speech’(Ramsey1975;KenstowiczandPark2006;Kenstowiczetal.2008;Chang
2007). The behavior of monosyllabic noun roots under suffixation indicates that
there are in fact two different types of H accents (Ramsey 1975; Kim and Schuh
2006; Schuh and Kim 2007; Chang 2007). For example, although both nwún ‘eye’
and mún ‘door’ have an H pitch in isolation, when the suffix -i (nominative case
marker)isadded,thepitchpatternfor‘eye’isnwún-í(H-H)whilethepitchpattern
for ‘door’ is mún-ì (H-L). In addition, when expanded with the disyllabic suffix
-mankhum ‘as much as’, the pitch patterns are nwún-mánkhùm (H-HL) and mùn-
mánkhùm (L-HL). Finally, when suffixed with -imyen ‘if’, the pitch patterns are
nwún-ímyèn(H-HL)andmún-ìmyèn (H-LL). Wetentativelywrite thetwodifferent
H accents as H1 and H2. There is a consistent pitch pattern for the R accent under
suffixation:thesuffixwilltakeontheHtonewhiletherootsyllabletakesanLtone.
Table 1 summarizes the pitch patterns for H1, H2, and R on monosyllabic nouns
under different types of suffixation.
For disyllabic nouns, we have already seen in (1) that South Kyungsang Korean
has three pitch patterns: HL, HH, and LH. But expanding the nouns with suffixes
indicates that there are in fact two LH classes. For example, although both sàlám
‘person’ and pàlám ‘wind’ have an LH pitch pattern in isolation, they pattern
differently when suffixed: when the suffix -i (nominative case marker) is added,
‘person’ patterns as sàlám-í (LH-H) while ‘wind’ patterns as pàlám-ì (LH-L);
when the suffix -imyen ‘if’ is added, ‘person’ patterns as sàlám-ímyèn (LH-HL)
Table1 PitchpatternsforH1,H2,andRinmonosyllabicnounsundersuffixation.Datawereadapted
fromKimandSchuh(2006)andChang(2007)
H1 H2
nwu´n H ‘eye’ mu´n H ‘door’
nwu´n-´ı H-H ‘eye(nom.)’ mu´n-`ı H-L ‘door(nom.)’
nwu´n-ma´nkhu`m H-HL ‘asmuchaseye’ mu`n-ma´nkhu`m L-HL ‘asmuchasdoor’
nwu´n-´ımye`n H-HL ‘ifeye’ mu´n-`ımye`n H-LL ‘ifdoor’
R
nwuˇn R ‘snow’
nwu`n-´ı L-H ‘snow(nom.)’
nwu`n-ma´nkhu´m L-HH ‘asmuchassnow’
nwu`n-´ımye´n L-HH ‘ifsnow’
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74 H.Lee,J.Zhang
while ‘wind’ patterns as pàlám-ìmyèn (LH-LL). We tentatively label the two
accents as LH1 and LH2, respectively. The HL and HH accents have consistent
behavior under suffixation: the suffixed syllables will take an L tone while the HL
and HH tones remain on the root. The pitch patterns for HL, HH, LH1, and LH2
on disyllabic noun roots under different types of suffixation are summarized in
Table 2.
Wecanobservethefollowingparallelsbetweenthemonosyllabicanddisyllabic
pitch patterns. (1) H1 in monosyllables and HH in disyllables behave in parallel in
having an H tone on the first and second syllables if there is a second syllable
available. (2) R in monosyllables and LH1 in disyllables behave in parallel in
having an H tone on the second and third syllables if they are available; otherwise
theHdockstotherightedgeofthemonosyllabletocreatearisingtone.(3)Unlike
theH1/HHandR/LH1toneclassesthathaveaconsistentpitchpatternregardlessof
the suffix, the H2 and LH2 classes both have different pitch patterns depending on
the suffix. When the words in these tone classes are suffixed with -mankhum ‘as
muchas’,theHtonealwaysoccursonthefirstsyllableofthesuffix;butwhenthey
aresuffixedwith-i(nom.)or-imyen‘if’,theHtoneoccursonthelastsyllableofthe
root,andtherestofthesyllablestakeanLtone.Theseparallelsaresummarizedin
Table 3. They seem to indicate that, descriptively, there are four different pitch
patterns in South Kyungsang Korean nouns: HL, which only surfaces on disyllabic
roots,H1/HH,R/LH1,andH2/LH2.AnadditionalreasonfortheparallelbetweenR
inmonosyllablesandLH1indisyllablesisthattheLH1classwasalsoderivedfrom
therisingpitchaccentinMiddleKorean(Ramsey1975;KenstowiczandPark2006;
Kenstowiczetal.2008).Theaccentpatternsoftrisyllabicandquadrisyllabicnouns
will be discussed in Sect. 5 after our formal analysis for the nominal pitch accent
pattern is proposed.
Table 2 Pitch patterns for HL, HH, LH1 and LH2 in disyllabic nouns under suffixation. Data were
adaptedfromKimandSchuh(2006)andChang(2007)
HL HH
ke´wu`l HL ‘mirror’ ku´nu´l HH ‘shade’
ke´wu`l-`ı HL-L ‘mirror(nom.)’ ku´nu´l-`ı HH-L ‘shade(nom.)’
ke´wu`l-ma`nkhu`m HL-LL ‘asmuchasmirror’ ku´nu´l-ma`nkhu`m HH-LL ‘asmuchasshade’
ke´wu`l-`ımye`n HL-LL ‘ifmirror’ ku´nu´l-`ımye`n HH-LL ‘ifshade’
LH1 LH2
sa`la´m LH ‘person’ pa`la´m LH ‘wind’
sa`la´m-´ı LH-H ‘person(nom.)’ pa`la´m-`ı LH-L ‘wind(nom.)’
sa`la´m-ma´nkhu`m LH-HL ‘asmuchasperson’ pa`la´m-ma´nkhu`m LH-HL ‘asmuchaswind’
sa`la´m-´ımye`n LH-HL ‘ifperson’ pa`la´m-`ımye`n LH-LL ‘ifwind’
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PitchaccentofSouthKyungsangKorean 75
Table3 Parallelsinpitchpatternsbetweenmonosyllabicanddisyllabicnouns
Monosyllables H1 R H2
Isolation H R H
Mono_suffix:-i H-H L-H H-L
Di_suffix:-mankhum H-HL L-HH L-HL
Di_suffix:-imyen H-HL L-HH H-LL
Disyllables HL HH LH1 LH2
Isolation HL HH LH LH
Mono_suffix:-i HL-L HH-L LH-H LH-L
Di_suffix:-mankhum HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-HL
Di_suffix:-imyen HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-LL
1.2 Problems posed by suffixes for H2/LH2
As noted above, the pitch pattern for words in the H2 and LH2 classes varies
dependingonthetypeofsuffixaddedtotheroot:disyllabicsuffixes-mankhumand
-imyen elicit different pitch patterns on these nouns. Based on her preliminary
phonetic examination, Chang (2007) made the generalization that the tone pattern
difference is determined by whether the disyllabic suffix is vowel-initial or
consonant-initial.Specifically,whenamonosyllabicwordintheH2class(analyzed
as an M-class by Chang) is followed by a monosyllabic or vowel-initial disyllabic
suffixsuchas-i(nom.),-to‘also’,-un(topic),or-imyen‘if’,theHtoneisplacedonly
in the root. However, when a word in this class is followed by a consonant-initial
suffixsuchas-pota‘than’,theHtoneoccursonthefirstsyllableofthesuffixbutnot
ontheroot,andtherestofthesyllablestakeLtones:mún-ìmyèn(H-LL)versusmùn-
pótà(L-HL).Likewise,whenawordinthedisyllabicLH2class(analyzedasanLM-
classbyChang)isfollowedbyamonosyllabicorvowel-initialdisyllabicsuffix,theH
toneoccursonlyintherootbutnotinthesuffix.Butwhenthewordisfollowedbya
consonant-initialdisyllabicsuffix,theHtoneoccursinthesuffix:pàlám-ìmyèn(LH-
LL) versus pàlám-pótà (LH-HL). This suffix-determined tonal pattern led Chang
(2007)tocontrolthesuffixtypeinherphoneticstudybyincludingonlymonosyllabic
andvowel-initialdisyllabicsuffixesbutnotconsonant-initialdisyllabicsuffixes.
SchuhandKim(2007,pp.16–17),ontheotherhand,arguedthat“Particlesbear
H only when they are associated with H that is part of a lexical tone pattern.
Otherwise, particles bear L tone.” This means that H tones in suffixes must come
from underlying H tone specifications. In other words, the different pitch patterns
between the vowel-initial suffix -imyen ‘if’ and the consonant-initial suffix -pota
‘than’ discussed in Chang (2007) should come from the difference in their
underlying pitch accent, not from the difference in initial segment type. This is
evidenced by the fact that a consonant-initial disyllabic suffix -tul-i (pl. nom.)
induces the H-LL pattern on monosyllabic nouns just like vowel-initial suffixes
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while -mankhum induces L-HL. The implication, then, is that -mankhum and -tul-i
belong to two different underlying pitch accent classes.
The exact role of the suffix in the nominal pitch pattern of South Kyungsang,
therefore, is controversial. We believe that the clarification of the following two
issuescanbenefititsunderstanding.First,manyKoreansuffixeshaveallomorphsthat
differ in the initial segment. For example, the topic marker is -un following a
consonant-finalstembut-nunfollowingavowel-finalstem;thesuffixmeaning‘if’is
-imyen or -lamyen2, also depending on whether the final segment of the stem it
attachestoisaconsonantoravowel.Ifthenominalpitchpatternisindeeddetermined
by the initial segment of the suffix, we would expect different pitch patterns when
differentallomorphsareselected.Butifthepitchpatterndifferencecomesfromthe
pitchaccentofthesuffix,thenwewouldnotexpecttheallomorphytoinfluencethe
tones.Second,werecognizethatthedisyllabicsuffix-tul-iusedinSchuhandKim’s
(2007) study is in fact a combination of two monosyllabic suffixes. The question,
then, is whether there is indeed a contrast in disyllabic suffixes in their underlying
pitchaccent.Weaimtoclarifythesetwoissuesinourownstudy.
1.3 Goals of the current study
Thecurrentstudybroadlyaimstounderstandtheunderlyingpitchaccentsystemin
SouthKyungsangKoreannounswithdifferenttypesofsuffixes.Tothisend,wefirst
conductedanacousticstudywithfourmaleSouthKyungsangspeakersbyrecording
monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with various types of suffixes. Although
acoustics studies of tone in South Kyungsang Korean already exist (Chang 2007;
Lee 2008; Kim and Jun 2009), they did not focus on the tone patterns under
different types of suffixes as their research goals were to clarify the tonal
descriptions (Chang 2007), determine the location of the main accent (Lee 2008),
and examine the interaction between lexical tone and focus prosody (Kim and Jun
2009).Ouracousticstudywillprovideafullpictureofthenominaltonalpatternsof
South Kyungsang Korean. In addition, it will also address Chang (2007)’s
assumptionaboutthetonalvariationsconditionedbytheinitialsegmentofsuffixes
andthereforeresolvethecontroversyregardingthebehaviorofthesuffixes.Wealso
paid attention to potential variations in the tonal patterns to see whether any
disagreements in earlier descriptions are due to such variations and whether any
systematicity emerges in the variations. Based on the acoustic results, we then
provide a formal analysis couched in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky
1993/2004) for the nominal pitch accent system of the language and see how the
analysis works in longer nouns. We compare it with theoretical alternatives
(Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Sohn 1997; Kim 1997; Schuh and Kim 2007; Lee
2008; Lee and Davis 2009) and see how the system fits in with our current
understanding of the typology of culminative tone systems (Evans 2009).
2 Wewouldliketocommentthat-imyenisallomorphicwith-myen,and-lamyenisallomorphicwith
-ilamyen.Thesuffixes-imyen/-myenand-lamyen/-ilamyenhavethesamelexicalmeaning,‘if’.Sinceeach
oftheallomorphsdiffersintheirnumberofsyllables,weselectedthedisyllabicsuffix-imyen/-lamyenand
treated them as if they are allomorphs to test the relevance of the initial segment of the suffix to the
surfacetonepattern.
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PitchaccentofSouthKyungsangKorean 77
2 Acoustic study
2.1 Methods
2.1.1 Speech materials
Ouracousticexperimentrecordedmonosyllabicanddisyllabicnounsindifferenttone
classesasreportedinearlierliterature.Therecordingincludednounsbothinisolation
andwithvarioustypesofsuffixes.Thereweresevenconditionsfortoneclasses:three
for monosyllabic nouns (H1, H2, R) and four for disyllabic nouns (HH, HL, LH1,
LH2). For each monosyllabic tone class, we recorded five words, and for each
disyllabictoneclass,werecordedtenwords.ThesewordsaregiveninTables4and5.
Inordertotesttheissuesregardingsuffixes,thefollowingfactorswereconsidered
in the experiment: (1) the number of syllables in the suffix (monosyllabic or
disyllabic);(2)theinitialsegmentofthesuffix(vowel-initialorconsonant-initial);and
(3) whether the suffix has allomorphs that differ in the initial segment. Table 6
summarizesthesuffixconditionsintheexperiment.Themonosyllabicsuffix-toand
disyllabic suffix -pota do not have phonologically conditioned allomorphs. But the
monosyllabic suffix -un/-nun and disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen have allomorphs
thatareeithervowel-orconsonant-initial,andtheallomorphyisdeterminedbythelast
segment of the noun root: a consonant-final noun takes the vowel-initial suffix
allomorph;avowel-finalnountakestheconsonant-initialsuffixallomorph.
Withfifteenmonosyllabicandfortydisyllabicnouns,eachwithfivesuffixconditions
(includingisolation),werecorded275wordtokensintotalfromeachspeaker.
2.1.2 Speakers
FourmalespeakersofSouthKyungsangKoreanparticipatedinthestudy.Theirage
rangedfrom27to67yearsold(mean=40,s.d.=18).Allspeakershadlived and
gonethroughprimaryandsecondaryeducationintheSouthKyungsangregionwith
parents who spoke the same target dialect for at least 20 years; three of them were
from Pusan city, and one of them was from Masan city. Three speakers were
graduate or undergraduate students at the University of Kansas; the 67-year-old
speaker was a short-term visitor to the U.S. None of the speakers reported any
speech or hearing disorders, and all of the speakers were literate in Korean.
Table4 Monosyllabicnounsusedintheacousticexperiment
H1 R H2
mul ‘water’ mal ‘speech’ mal ‘horse’
nwun ‘eye’ nwun ‘snow’ mun ‘door’
pam ‘night’ pam ‘chestnut’ pi ‘tombstone’
pi ‘rain’ tol ‘stone’ swul ‘alcohol’
son ‘hand’ ton ‘money’ son ‘guest’
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Table5 Disyllabicnounsusedintheacousticexperiment
HL HH LH1 LH2
anay ‘wife’ ceksam ‘jacket’ angay ‘fog’ kamca ‘potato’
cangsik ‘decoration’ hinsayk ‘white’ imca ‘owner’ mati ‘joint’
kewul ‘mirror’ kulim ‘painting’ nongtam ‘joke’ menci ‘dust’
koli ‘ring’ kwulum ‘cloud’ papo ‘fool’ namu ‘tree’
kutay ‘thou’ moki ‘mosquito’ paychwu ‘cabbage’ palam ‘wind’
kwuli ‘copper’ mole ‘thedayafter popay ‘treasure’ namul ‘wild
tomorrow’ vegetable’
meli ‘head’ nalgay ‘wing’ samul ‘object’ poli ‘barley’
mole ‘sand’ phali ‘fly’ salam ‘person’ sokum ‘salt’
napi ‘butterfly’ phwulmu ‘bellows’ tampe ‘cigarette’ tali ‘bridge’
yelum ‘summer’ swukcu ‘beansprout’ wusan ‘umbrella’ elgwul ‘face’
Table6 Suffixconditionsintheacousticexperiment
Wordinisolation
Monosyllabicsuffix word+-to‘also’ Nodistinctallomorphs
word+-un/-nun(topicmarker) V-orC-initialallomorphs
Disyllabicsuffix word+-pota‘than’ Nodistinctallomorphs
word+-imyen/-lamyen‘if’ V-orC-initialallomorphs
2.1.3 Procedure
All four speakers were recorded in an anechoic chamber in the Phonetics and
Psycholinguistics Laboratory at the University of Kansas using a cardioid
microphone (Electrovoice-RE 20) and a solid state recorder (Marantz PMD 671).
The test words were randomized and presented toeach speaker instandard Korean
orthographyonacomputermonitorusingPowerPointwithafour-secondinter-trial
interval. The speakers read each word once without repetition. Along with the
orthography, pictures were provided for the speakers to help distinguish segmental
homonyms in the orthography. For example, pictures of an eye and of snow were
usedtodistinguishnwun(H1)‘eye’andnwun(R)‘snow’,bothofwhicharewritten
as 눈 in Korean orthography. The stimuli were recorded at a sampling rate of
22,050 Hz and analyzed using Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2005).
2.1.4 Measurements
InordertolocatetheHpeak(s)inthetestwords,theF0peakvaluewasmeasuredforall
1,100recordedtokens.ThemeasurementsoftheF0peakaredescribedinFig.1,which
showsthemeasurementsinPraatforthewordsnwun(H1)-pota‘thaneyes’andnwun
(R)-pota‘thansnow.’InFig.1,thefirst,second,andthirdsyllablesareindicatedasσ1,
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PitchaccentofSouthKyungsangKorean 79
nwun (H1)-pota nwun (R)-pota
1 2 3 1 2 3
F0 Peak1 F0Peak2 F0Peak1 F0 Peak2
Fig.1 F0peaksforthetestwordsnwun(H1)-pota(left)andnwun(R)-pota(right).Solid-linearrows
indicate the point where the F0 shows the first local maximum;dashed-linearrows indicate the point
whereF0showsthesecondlocalmaximum
σ2,andσ3,respectively;F0Peak1indicatesthepointofthefirstF0maximum,andF0
Peak 2 indicates the point of the second F0 maximum. The F0 maximum values
betweenF0Peak1andF0Peak2arecomparable.WiththeseF0peakmeasurements,
weadoptedthefollowingsimplecriteriontodecidewhetheraparticularsyllablehas
anHtone.Forexample,iftherewasanobservableF0maximumbeforetheendofthe
firstsyllableandanotherF0maximumbeforetheendofthesecondsyllable,boththe
firstandthesecondsyllableswereanalyzedascarryinganHtone,asinnwun(H1)
-potainFig.1;iftherewasanobservableF0maximumbeforetheendofthesecond
syllableandasecondmaximumbeforetheendofthethirdsyllable,boththesecond
andthethirdsyllablewereanalyzedascarryinganHtone,asshowninnwun(R)-pota.
Thisprocedurewasusedforall1,100tokenstodeterminetheirpitchpatterns.
2.2 Results3
2.2.1 Dominant accent pattern
Our data from the four speakers provide general support for the nominal pitch
patterns in South Kyungsang Korean previously reported in the literature. In
3 Therewerelexicalanomaliesforfivenouns:theLH1wordpaychwu‘cabbage’withamonosyllabic
suffixhadanLH-LpatterninsteadofLH-HbySpeakers1and4;ceksam‘jacket’intheHHgroupwas
pronouncedasanLH2wordforSpeaker4;theH2nounspi‘tombstone’andson‘guest’patternedlike
theH1classforSpeaker2;pi‘tombstone’,mal‘horse’,andson‘guest’fromtheH2classwereineither
theH1ortheRclassforSpeaker3.
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particular, Speaker 2’s pitch patterns are in line with earlier reports with few
exceptions. Thus, we first report the accent patterns for Speaker 2 and then discuss
variationsobservedbothbetweenandwithinspeakersinthefollowingsection.The
F0 tracings for Speaker 2’s pitch patterns under suffixation are provided in
Appendix 1.
Speaker 2 (32 years old, Pusan) behaved identically to the previously reported
patterns in Table 3 except for the monosyllabic word mal ‘horse’ (H2). The word
mal‘horse’(H2)behavedlikeanH2wordunderdisyllabicsuffixationbutlikeanR
word under monosyllabic suffixation (L-H instead of the expected H-L). With the
exceptionofthisword,Speaker2’spitchpatternsareexactlyinlinewiththeearlier
reports given in Table 3.
Our acoustic data confirm that the neutralized H1-H2 and LH1-LH2 in isolation
pattern differently when suffixes are added, implying separate underlying tone
classificationsforthesestemclasses.Inaddition,thereisaparallelbetweenH1and
HH,RandLH1,andH2andLH2.ForH1/HH,Hightonesoccuronthefirstandthe
secondavailablesyllablesforthesestemclasses;forR/LH1,twohightonesoccuron
the second and the available third syllables. For H2/LH2, different tonal patterns
emergeunderdifferentsuffixtypes.AnHtoneoccursonlyintherootwith-imyen/
-lamyenforbothmonosyllabicanddisyllabicnouns,consistentwiththemonosyllabic
suffix-toand-un/-nun.AnHtoneintherootwiththedisyllabicsuffix-imyenwasalso
observedbyChang(2007).Withthesuffix-pota,ontheotherhand,anHtonealways
occursonthefirstsyllableofthesuffix,andthereisnoHtoneinthemonosyllabicroot.
ThesepitchpatternsintheH2andLH2classesindicatethatthedifferencesinpitch
patternsarenotcausedbytheinitialsegmentofthesuffix,contraChang(2007),asthe
V-initialversusC-initialsuffixallomorphyinvariablydidnothaveanyeffectonthe
surfacetonesforanyofourspeakers.Giventhatweusedtwotrulydisyllabicsuffixes,-
potaand-imyen/-lamyen,ourresultslendfurthersupporttoSchuhandKim’s(2007)
suggestion that the suffixed-induced pitch differences are caused by different
underlyingpitchaccentsonthesuffixes.4We,however,arenotinapositiontoaddress
the question of whether all pitch accents can appear in a suffix or whether
monosyllabicsuffixescanalsobearpitchaccents.Thesewillrequirefurthertestingof
additionalsuffixes,andweleavethemopenastopicsforfutureresearch.
2.2.2 Inter- and intra-speaker variation
WhilethefourspeakersgenerallyagreewiththeaccentpatternfortheHLandHH/
H1classes,Speakers1,3,and4showaccentvariationsfortheR/LH1andH2/LH2
accent classes. The three speakers’ accent patterns for R/LH1 and H2/LH2 are
summarized in Table 7, and their tonal variations are indicated in bold.
For Speaker 1 (35 years old, Pusan), the variations were mostly observed in
monosyllabic R and disyllabic LH2 words. For the monosyllabic R class with the
4 Through his or her own elicitation with a Kyungsang consultant, one of our reviewers noted the
discrepancybetweenC-initialandV-initialsuffixesin thatC-initialsuffixestend to carrya high tone
whileV-initialsuffixesdonot,indicatingthatChang(2007)’sgeneralizationmaybevalid.Wedonot
haveanexplanationfortheimbalanceinthesuffixaltones.Thepossibilityoftheinitialsegment-induced
tonalallomorphysuggestedbysuchanimbalancestillrequiresfurtherinvestigation.
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