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Sussex Migration Working Paper no. 16 Explaining Change in Established Migration Systems: The Movement of Algerians to France and the UK Michael Collyer March 2003 Abstract The geography of migration to Europe has changed considerably over the last decade. The Algerian migration system offers an example of the diversification that has also occurred for other migrant groups. Until recently Algerian emigration followed very firmly established patterns directed almost exclusively to France. Algerians now travel to a wide range of destinations. This paper explores the reasons for this diversification by considering the movement of Algerians to the UK and France. The most important reasons for the changes in emigration from Algeria can be found in Algeria itself where the prolonged conflict and its social and economic effects have considerably altered the context of emigration, affecting the profile of emigrants and their reasons for leaving. The changing situation in France has also contributed to these developments. France has always been the most natural destination for Algerians but since the beginning of the conflict migration to France has become much more difficult for Algerians. The changing profile of Algerian emigrants also means that they have less in common with the large settled Algerian community in France than was previously the case. The movement to Britain has arisen partly due to changes in Algeria and progressive exclusion from France but also for other reasons particular to Britain. This research found no support for the commonly held beliefs that Britain is attractive due to a favourable asylum system, the existence of settled communities or to particular political interest groups. Rather, Algerians come to the UK since it has few connections with Algeria at a governmental level and they perceive it to be more tolerant towards Algerian nationals. On a theoretical level this suggests that in certain circumstances social networks do not play as dominant a role as is sometimes thought in directing migration. These findings also have significant implications for attempts to harmonise policy at a European level. They suggest that the movement of asylum seekers from one European state to another is largely unrelated to differences in asylum systems. 1 1. Introduction Convention and its replacement (Vested Hansen 1999). In academic work refugee During the 1950s and 1960s large scale migration has traditionally been seen as migration to Europe arose from historical, distinct from all other migration; it is cultural or linguistic ties which had their ‘forced’ in contrast to the ‘voluntary’ roots in the colonial period. The resulting migration of groups such as labour migration patterns have altered societies migrants (Kunz 1981). More recently this of Western Europe such that most dichotomy has been challenged in work on countries now have significant ethnic migration; some refugees clearly have no minorities originating from their major choice but neither do many labour areas of colonial influence. From the mid migrants (Richmond 1988, 1994). Other to late 1980s migration patterns to Europe refugees, with equally valid asylum claims, have begun to diversify significantly. have the resources and the time to plan Migrants began to travel to and settle in their departure much more carefully. As countries with very little previous refugee support groups repeat incessantly, settlement and no historical, cultural or asylum claims should be judged on their economic links. For example, Sri Lankans substantive elements, not on whether the now travel to Switzerland (McDowell applicant is fortunate enough to have 1996), Colombians to Sweden (UNHCR exercised a choice of destination (Refugee 2002), Iranians to the Netherlands (Koser Council 2002; ECRE 2002). Refugees can 1997), Angolans to Belgium and Ivorians and do exercise a choice in deciding where to the UK (UNHCR 2002) in more to claim asylum (Barsky 1995; Zavodny significant numbers than ever before. 1999). The fact that many Algerians have These new communities are still small clearly done so in no way diminishes their compared to communities of their co- claim for asylum. nationals elsewhere in Europe but they are beginning to have an impact on the social The work presented here is based on and cultural landscape, at least at a local fieldwork in 2000 and 2001, during which level. The thesis on which this paper is I conducted more than 100 in-depth based sets out to explain this new interviews1. These were mostly carried out geography of migration to Europe using during extended stays in London and the recent migration of Algerians to the Marseilles which also involved periods of UK as an example (Collyer 2002). This participant observation in various Algerian paper summarises the main findings of the protest movements. I also conducted thesis. interviews on shorter visits to Paris, Brussels, Sangatte and three detention Many of these new national communities centres in the UK. This paper summarises in Europe have grown up through refugee the results of this research. The first three migration. The first priority for refugees is sections outline the background to the obviously to escape the situation of risk or conflict in Algeria, current patterns of persecution in which they find themselves. Algerian migration and the situation in It may be that the location of these new France. The following two sections turn to communities can be explained by the the UK, examining differences between practicalities of seeking protection, such as the Algerian community in France and the direct flights (Bocker and Havinga 1998a, UK and investigating why Algerians do and 1998b), but there may also be some do not come to the UK. Finally, the further element of choice involved. There conclusion examines the implications of is some controversy over the degree to this research for migration policy and which refugees exercise choice in selecting theory. a destination beyond the imperative of effective protection (Richmond 1988; 1 62 of these interviews were carried out with recent Black 1992, 1994; RGS 1993; Koser Algerian migrants. These were mostly multiple interviews of several hours each. The rest were with 1997a). Many European governments view key informants; Refugee advice workers, NGO the expression of a preference of asylum workers, lawyers, members of pressure groups, local country as evidence of an unfounded and national government officials, European asylum claim, as enshrined in the Dublin Commission officials and prominent members of the Algerian community in London, Paris and Marseilles. 2 2. The Background to Current remain in France legally for a longer Algerian Emigration period were family reunion migration, student migration and seeking asylum. At this time it was relatively easy to remain Until very recently the history of Algerian without documents in France but the emigration was the history of Algerian Algerian economy was booming and there migration to France. In 1990 the Algerian was less economic incentive to leave the community in France was estimated at country than during the previous decade more than one million people (Khandriche (Stora 1992). Following the introduction of et al 1999). This represents 97 percent of visa restrictions by France in 1986, it all Algerians living outside of Algeria became much more difficult for Algerians (OECD 1992 quoted in Fassmann and to reach France without prior Munz 1994). From 1990 onwards authorisation. migration began to diversify as a result of the current conflict. Significant migration In the late 1980s the crisis in the Algerian from Algeria to France began shortly economy became increasingly obvious. before the First World War (Hifi 1985). Major riots in 1988 in Algiers provoked a Initially this migration was circular and the re-examination of the one party system huge majority of emigrants returned to that had ruled Algeria since independence. Algeria after a few years away (Gillette The first free elections in Algeria, the local and Sayad 1984). In 1946 Algerians were elections of June 1990, were won allowed to circulate freely between Algeria comfortably by the Front Islamique du and France (Stora 1992). Free circulation Salut (Islamic Salvation Front: FIS), a lasted until 1968, six years after Algerian newly created Islamic party (Willis 1996). independence. In the early 1950s and The second round of general elections in 1960s Algerian emigration began to grow January 1992 was cancelled by the army rapidly. This growth was caused partly by when it became clear that the FIS would the upheaval caused by the 1954-62 war also win them by a very large margin. with France but also by the tremendous Activists in the Islamist movement were demand for workers in the rapidly arrested and imprisoned or fled the expanding French economy (Talha 1983; country (Leveau 1992; RSF 1994). A range Sayad et al. 1991; Samers 1997). of armed groups also formed and began Emigrants tended to remain in France for to wage a guerrilla war against the army longer and longer periods of time (Sayad and, as time went on, the civilian 1977). France stopped all labour population (Martinez 1998; Stora 2001). emigration in 1974, about the same time During the decade that the conflict has labour migration ended across Europe. lasted more than 100,000 people have been killed and both sides have been Algerian emigration continued after 1974, condemned by international institutions but it began to change. Labour migration and NGOs for atrocities committed during had been almost exclusively male. During the fighting (eg. US Department of State the 1970s women came to join their 2001; Amnesty International 2002). Ten husbands through family reunion years later it seems that with the help of migration, signifying the increasing massive financial and military assistance permanence of a migration that was the Algerian regime has withstood the initially thought of as temporary, by both challenge posed by the Islamist the French and the Algerians involved. movement. Fighting continues and the Between 1972 and 1982 the proportion of situation remains extremely serious but it women grew from under 10 to more than is now very difficult to envisage the 30 percent of the total Algerian overthrow of the current government and community in France (Khader 1993). After the economy appears strong and stable. 1974 Algerians could still visit France for Unfortunately very few of these benefits short periods of time with relatively few have reached the Algerian people (Joffe restrictions, but they could not stay longer 2002). The relationship between the than the period allowed by their tourist regime and the mass of increasingly poor visas, currently between one and three and desperate citizens does not appear to months. After labour migration ended the have changed significantly since the only significant ways for Algerians to 3 situation which provoked the riots of 1988 role of emigration and emigrants has (Roberts 2003). Even though the violence continually developed (Sayad 1977). has eased considerably the ensuing Current emigration differs from previous economic crisis and endemic official patterns in three significant ways; the corruption have ensured that demand for predominance of asylum, the diversity of emigration has continued largely destinations and the profile of emigrants. unabated. Figure 1 shows the tremendous rise in Algerian asylum seekers in Europe from 1992 onwards, when the severity of the crisis became apparent. Further 3. Patterns of Current Algerian fluctuations in numbers of asylum seekers Emigration can also be attributed to events in Algeria. Over this period more Algerians requested There can be no doubt that the main asylum in Europe than received any other impetus for Algerian migration over the residential status. In contrast to previous past decade has been the current conflict labour migration, over the past decade, and its aftermath. Although emigration Algerian emigration has become from Algeria has continued relatively predominantly an emigration of asylum. uninterrupted for over a century the social 16000 14000 Total asylum claims excluding German data 12000 Total asylum claims including German data 10000 8000 6000 4000 2000 0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 Figure 1: Total asylum claims made by Algerians in Europe 1990 - 2001 Source UNHCR (2002) The increasing diversity of destinations emigration, which focused almost was highlighted in the introduction and is exclusively on France (Figure 2). a factor common to other migration to Europe. Previous emigrants from Algeria travelled almost exclusively to France and France undoubtedly remains the destination of choice for most Algerians. Most Algerians come to France with a short-term tourist visa2. There is not sufficient data available to allow a comparison between France and other European countries as a destination for all Algerian emigration but comparable data exists on asylum requests. This emigration is far more diverse than previous labour 2 In the early 1990s approximately 100,000 tourist visas were issued a year (Assemble Nationale 1996) compared to 10,000 residency visas (SOPEMI 1999). 4 3500 Germany 3000 Belguim France 2500 Netherlands 2000 UK 1500 1000 500 0 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 Figure 2: Asylum requests registered by Algerians in the five European countries to have received most requests 1994 – 2001 (source UNHCR 2002) Although a comparable number of far harder than entering any other Algerians have requested asylum in Britain country. The UK border is one of the as in France over the past eight years the external borders of the EU, so it is to be majority of Algerians I interviewed in expected that it is more difficult to cross Britain had come through France. Of the than the internal borders of the Schengen thirty people I spoke to in Britain, only zone. It is more surprising that all four had come directly from Algeria, 24 Algerians in Britain, even those who had had come from France and two had come obtained visas, claimed that barriers to from the Netherlands (Fig. 3). However, entry were more stringent at borders to only a minority of these people left Algeria Britain than at the external borders of the with the specific intention of reaching Schengen zone. Of the thirty people Britain (seven out of 30). Britain did not interviewed in Britain only two had been represent the powerful international able to obtain visas, a further two did not attraction for these people that is need visas but the remaining 26 entered sometimes claimed. Rather, they came to the country illegally. All 26 eventually Britain almost by default, once possibilities claimed asylum, though some did so for protection and livelihood elsewhere in immediately on arrival and others did not Europe had evaporated. Figure 3 shows claim until they were arrested for illegal that some of these individuals travelled residence. In one case, this was more quite extensively around Europe before than two years later. Two of the Algerians coming to Britain. Those people who I spoke to in France had actually travelled through France, Italy and Spain attempted to get to Britain, but had given stopped for periods of time varying from a up, as it proved too difficult. Again, this few months to two years before moving challenges the claim that British on. immigration is a ‘soft touch’ and suggests that it was certainly not ease of entry that It is perhaps not surprising that many attracted these Algerians to Britain. Algerians visited other countries first, since they all reported that entering Britain was (cid:20)(cid:5)(cid:4)(cid:2)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:17) (cid:19)(cid:5)(cid:4)(cid:7)(cid:10) (cid:19)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:13)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:21) (cid:12)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:10)(cid:7)(cid:6)(cid:16) (cid:14)(cid:4)(cid:10)(cid:15)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:2)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:17)(cid:18) (cid:1) (cid:12)(cid:4)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:6)(cid:11)(cid:13) (cid:28)(cid:11)(cid:29)(cid:30) (cid:22)(cid:5)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:23)(cid:4) (cid:1) (cid:24)(cid:25)(cid:7)(cid:6)(cid:16) (cid:1) (cid:20)(cid:10)(cid:7)(cid:2)(cid:21) (cid:1) (cid:1) (cid:8)(cid:9)(cid:5)(cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:3)(cid:7)(cid:2) (cid:1) (cid:1) (cid:1) (cid:1) (cid:1) (cid:27)(cid:11)(cid:16)(cid:6)(cid:18)(cid:6)(cid:7) (cid:26)(cid:9)(cid:5)(cid:9)(cid:23)(cid:23)(cid:9) (cid:1)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:7) (cid:31) !(cid:13) "(cid:31)(cid:31) (cid:1)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:2)(cid:6) (cid:7)(cid:8)(cid:5)(cid:9)(cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:12)(cid:13)(cid:4)(cid:12)(cid:14)(cid:2) (cid:15)(cid:16)(cid:17) (cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:18)(cid:10)(cid:19)(cid:10)(cid:18)(cid:8)(cid:12)(cid:20)(cid:13)(cid:21)(cid:2)(cid:8)(cid:5)(cid:11)(cid:16)(cid:17)(cid:13)(cid:2)(cid:19)(cid:16)(cid:5)(cid:13)(cid:20)(cid:12)(cid:11)(cid:18) (cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:18)(cid:10)(cid:19)(cid:10)(cid:18)(cid:8)(cid:12)(cid:20)(cid:13)(cid:21)(cid:2)(cid:8)(cid:5)(cid:11)(cid:16)(cid:17)(cid:13)(cid:22)(cid:17)(cid:13)(cid:12)(cid:10)(cid:5) Figure 3: Migration routes of Algerians interviewed in Britain Current Algerian emigration not only cancelled in 1992 the first group of people differs from previous patterns in the to leave were Islamist leaders, frequently diversity of destinations, but also in the well educated technocrats. In 1993, as profile of current migrants. Indeed, the terrorism began to take root secular left new type of migrant is one explanation for wing intellectuals were the first victims the diversification of destinations. and many were forced to leave by direct Algerians initially emigrated for the terrorist threats or attacks. As terrorist purposes of finding work. Some attacks spread, deserters from the army or emigration was of course for university the gendarmerie and inhabitants of more education or research, but in the main, rural areas also fled. emigrants before 1974 were unemployed and working class. Subsequent family As well as having the motivation to leave, emigration was very similar. From the late well qualified, wealthier individuals were 1980s onwards emigrants were more likely also amongst the few who had the means to be highly qualified, often university to leave. The possibility of travelling to educated, multi-lingual and employed. France was restricted dramatically These people had both the motivation and between 1988, when over 500,000 short the means to leave. The motivation came term visas were issued to Algerians, and from their political position amongst either 1995, when an estimated 40,000 visas the Islamist leaders or those who criticised were issued. Even 40,000 is far more than them. Even in this relatively short time issued by any other country but these period the profile of emigrants varied visas went most frequently to those with considerably. When the elections were existing contacts to France. Algerian 6 intellectuals had often studied abroad for Algerian emigrants. The French some period of time and many therefore government has made every effort to had a network of foreign based friends or reduce Algerian immigration, through colleagues, often in France. The solidarity targeted restrictions in immigration and expressed through these networks also asylum policy. This was mainly caused by favoured the better educated, at least the fear of the consequences of the initially, by providing the support they Algerian conflict spilling over into the needed to receive a visa and settle once Algerian community in France. This fear they had arrived. The restrictions on the has not been realised; there have been number of visas issued by France led to a very few incidents linked to the Algerian rise in the demand for forged or conflict in France and they occurred fraudulent visas. These were often mostly in 1994 and 1995 (Stora 2001). expensive; I was quoted figures of However these restrictions have had between US$350 and US$900 for a French severe consequences for Algerian visa, at a time when the average annual emigrants as the possibility of refuge in salary had fallen to US$1,600 (US the most natural destination for them has Department of State 2001). For those been dramatically reduced. This is unable to obtain a visa legitimately, the reflected in the surprisingly small number cost of a forged visa alone would have of Algerians who have emigrated during been beyond the means of even the the conflict. averagely wealthy, let alone the poor and unemployed. Since 1992 approximately 50,000 Algerians have left the country to seek The difference in the profile of new and asylum (US Committee for Refugees previous emigrants is important since 2001). Total emigration has undoubtedly previous emigrants now form the settled been significantly higher since many Algerian community in France. Many new people have been able to obtain other migrants I interviewed had closer contacts forms of residency and undocumented with French society than with the migration has also played a role. However, established Algerian community in France. even allowing for that, the number of In part this is due to the lack of resources people to have left Algeria is far smaller of the Algerian community who are over than, for example, the half million or more represented in the poorest sector of who left Bosnia during the contemporary French society. It was most common for crisis there. Special provisions introduced new migrants to be assisted by migrants in Germany, the most obvious destination who had arrived a short period of time for Bosnians due to its historical ties and before them. Many recently arrived geographical proximity, facilitated Bosnian Algerians reported a feeling of hostility emigration (Joly 2002). This was not the from the settled Algerian community in case for Algerians. Although the French France due, partly, to the very different government introduced comparatively social positions they occupied in Algerian generous exceptions to stringent society. This suggests that the large immigration and asylum legislation for established Algerian community in France Bosnians, Kurds and Kosovans in the was not necessarily an attraction for new 1990s there was no such relaxing of the migrants since they tended not to have rules for Algerians. In fact for most of the much contact with them anyway. last decade Algerians have been at a disadvantage compared to other national groups. 4. The Situation in France Algerians migrating to France have been If the Algerian community in France does faced with barriers in both asylum and not represent as much of an attraction for immigration law. Recognition rates for new migrants as might be expected there Algerian asylum seekers in France, at are certainly many other advantages to between one and four percent, depending France as a refuge for Algerians. Although on the year, are considerably lower than many Algerians now go elsewhere, France the average for all nationalities. Algerians remains the overwhelming destination for fearing persecution by Islamist groups are 7 frequently not granted refugee status as, equality but this was only ratified in until very recently, the French body December 2002. This means that, from responsible for determining asylum claims, 1994 to 2002 Algerians faced greater OFPRA, has not recognised non-state barriers to immigration than other agents of persecution. Those Algerians nationalities. Combined with the difficulties who are fleeing state persecution are they face in claiming asylum in France, generally members of Islamic political this represents a nationality-specific parties or armed groups and they are not immigration barrier. recognised either. This is a somewhat simplified characterisation of the French The French government has also clamped asylum system but it offers a partial down on activities of Algerian Islamist explanation for the low recognition rate for groups in France, again in an effort to Algerian asylum seekers. An informal avoid the Algerian conflict spreading. Soon status of temporary protection was after the beginning of the conflict, all introduced in 1994 specifically for activity by FIS representatives was banned Algerians. This was officially implemented in France. A number of key figures in this in new legislation in 1998 (the loi movement were expelled to Burkina Faso Chevenement) as territorial asylum, which in 1994 and one eventually claimed is open to all nationalities. Territorial asylum in London in 1995. Others have asylum is similar to Exceptional Leave to been granted asylum in Germany or Remain (ELR) in Britain, but has an Belgium, but it extremely rare for applications procedure entirely separate members or supporters of the FIS to have from asylum under the Geneva been granted asylum in France. There has Convention. Applicants have no right to been some controversy among refugee state support, or work, during the support groups in France as to whether application procedure, which may be assistance should be offered to Islamists. longer than a year in some areas. More Groups such as the Comite Internationale than 90 per cent of applicants are Algerian du Soutien des Intellectuels Algériens and their chance of success is no greater (International Committee of Support for than for convention asylum. Statistics are Algerian Intellectuals: CISIA) have been not public but only a few hundred people criticised for their decision to refuse are thought to have benefited from assistance to Islamists, but also criticised territorial asylum since 1998 (Delouvin for refusing to denounce Islamist activities 2000). (Skandrani 1995; Delafin 1995). The UNHCR has stipulated that an individual’s Algerians also face significant barriers in suitability for asylum should relate to French immigration legislation. They have activities they have taken part in or always had a special status with respect to supported, not their political affiliation.3 French immigration since they are not For example, individuals who have taken considered under general immigration law part in terrorist acts are excluded from the but in the series of separately negotiated possibility of receiving asylum, but the ‘Franco-Algerian agreements’. The first UNHCR has stated that members of the agreement in 1968 gave Algerians FIS should normally be considered considerable advantages compared to all (UNHCR 1995, 1997). other nationalities. Through successive modifications these advantages have been Despite the strictly enforced barriers to gradually eroded. The 1994 agreement entry to France and the specific attempts actually put Algerians at a considerable by the French government to exclude one disadvantage in a number of situations, side of the conflict entirely, Algerians for example an Algerian who arrived on a short term visa and then married a French 3 Article 1F of the 1951 Convention provides citizen or permanent resident was obliged details of activities which exclude an to return to Algeria to request a different individual from consideration for refugee visa before they were considered to be status. Articles 32(2) details the circumstances legally resident in France. This was only by which someone who has already been the case for Algerians. In 2001 this was granted refugee status may be expelled. Both renegotiated again to establish greater of these articles emphasise the serious nature of the activities. 8 continue to come to France in larger In addition to differences between numbers than anywhere else. Algeria is recently arrived and well established much closer to France than any other Algerian migrants in France, this research European country, in terms of geography, found differences in the profile of recent language and history. In terms of Algerian migrants who had come to education and culture France is still, France and to the UK. Two notable without doubt, the most influential country differences concern family status and in Algeria. French media is widely political activity. First, all available available, such that TF1, the main French information suggests that single men are TV channel is the most watched station in hugely over represented amongst recent Algeria4. It is also easier for Algerians to Algerian arrivals in the UK5. Family groups maintain contact with Algeria from France with children are not uncommon but much than from anywhere else. France therefore more rare among this group in Britain than attracts those Algerians who are in France. Most striking is the virtual particularly keen to stay in contact and absence of single women who have no hope to return. relationship to a family that is also present in Britain. For example, no lawyer I spoke France has also seen a flourishing to in London reported ever having Algerian-focused civil society. More than represented an Algerian woman as the 100 organisations have been set up in main applicant in an asylum claim. France in direct response to the crisis in Refugee support services in London also Algeria (Lloyd 1999a; Cuenat 1999) reported a presence of unmarried Algerian whereas Britain has only four comparable women among all Algerians in their user associations. Algerian groups in France groups of between none and four per vary from small-scale solidarity cent6. organisations often working in partnership with an individual region or even village in One of the main reasons for this appears Algeria to national political democratic to be the extreme difficulty of legal entry movements who openly criticise the into Britain, as compared to France. The Algerian government (Blumental 1999). All high level of undocumented entry by political currents except Islamism are Algerians has already been mentioned. represented. French political debates have This in itself has tended to favour young, a direct impact in Algeria and because of single men. The presence of children is an the shared media, France is arguably the obvious barrier to undocumented most effective place to lobby the Algerian migration and unsurprisingly all the government. Given these attractions it Algerian families I spoke to in Britain had may be expected that the only people who entered the country legally, often after the would seek refuge in Britain are those who father had received secure status. Families were unable to reach France, either due to are more likely to have sought refuge in the barriers to entry, or to their political France, due to the comparative ease of activities. However, the previous section noted that Algerians in Britain have 5 No statistics or information are published on generally come through France (Figure 2), this question but all the information I was able suggesting that barriers to entry to France to gather from lawyers representing Algerian are not a significant factor. The following asylum seekers in the UK and support services section provides further evidence that for refugees suggests that this is the case. supports this observation. 6 The Algerian Refugee Council reported never having advised a single Algerian woman in the five years of its existence. The World 4. Differences in the profile of University Service reported that only 10 out of 245 Algerians in contact with the Service over Algerian refugees in France a five year period were single women. A and the UK mental health project for refugees in Waltham Forest had also never advised a single Algerian woman, although Algerians were its largest user group. This impression was also 4 This information comes from a personal confirmed by key figures in the Algerian communication with the former director of Algeria’s radio network. community. 9

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