The Movement of Algerians to France and the UK - University of

20 Pages·2003·0.33 MB·English

Sussex Migration Working Paper no. 16

Explaining Change in Established Migration
Systems: The Movement of Algerians to France and

the UK

Michael Collyer
March 2003
Abstract

The geography of migration to Europe has changed considerably over the last decade. The
Algerian migration system offers an example of the diversification that has also occurred for
other migrant groups. Until recently Algerian emigration followed very firmly established
patterns directed almost exclusively to France. Algerians now travel to a wide range of
destinations. This paper explores the reasons for this diversification by considering the
movement of Algerians to the UK and France. The most important reasons for the changes in
emigration from Algeria can be found in Algeria itself where the prolonged conflict and its
social and economic effects have considerably altered the context of emigration, affecting the
profile of emigrants and their reasons for leaving. The changing situation in France has also
contributed to these developments. France has always been the most natural destination for
Algerians but since the beginning of the conflict migration to France has become much more
difficult for Algerians. The changing profile of Algerian emigrants also means that they have
less in common with the large settled Algerian community in France than was previously the
case. The movement to Britain has arisen partly due to changes in Algeria and progressive
exclusion from France but also for other reasons particular to Britain. This research found no
support for the commonly held beliefs that Britain is attractive due to a favourable asylum
system, the existence of settled communities or to particular political interest groups. Rather,
Algerians come to the UK since it has few connections with Algeria at a governmental level
and they perceive it to be more tolerant towards Algerian nationals. On a theoretical level this
suggests that in certain circumstances social networks do not play as dominant a role as is
sometimes thought in directing migration. These findings also have significant implications for
attempts to harmonise policy at a European level. They suggest that the movement of
asylum seekers from one European state to another is largely unrelated to differences in
asylum systems.
1
1. Introduction Convention and its replacement (Vested
Hansen 1999). In academic work refugee
During the 1950s and 1960s large scale migration has traditionally been seen as
migration to Europe arose from historical, distinct from all other migration; it is
cultural or linguistic ties which had their ‘forced’ in contrast to the ‘voluntary’
roots in the colonial period. The resulting migration of groups such as labour
migration patterns have altered societies migrants (Kunz 1981). More recently this
of Western Europe such that most dichotomy has been challenged in work on
countries now have significant ethnic migration; some refugees clearly have no
minorities originating from their major choice but neither do many labour
areas of colonial influence. From the mid migrants (Richmond 1988, 1994). Other
to late 1980s migration patterns to Europe refugees, with equally valid asylum claims,
have begun to diversify significantly. have the resources and the time to plan
Migrants began to travel to and settle in their departure much more carefully. As
countries with very little previous refugee support groups repeat incessantly,
settlement and no historical, cultural or asylum claims should be judged on their
economic links. For example, Sri Lankans substantive elements, not on whether the
now travel to Switzerland (McDowell applicant is fortunate enough to have
1996), Colombians to Sweden (UNHCR exercised a choice of destination (Refugee
2002), Iranians to the Netherlands (Koser Council 2002; ECRE 2002). Refugees can
1997), Angolans to Belgium and Ivorians and do exercise a choice in deciding where
to the UK (UNHCR 2002) in more to claim asylum (Barsky 1995; Zavodny
significant numbers than ever before. 1999). The fact that many Algerians have
These new communities are still small clearly done so in no way diminishes their
compared to communities of their co- claim for asylum.
nationals elsewhere in Europe but they are
beginning to have an impact on the social The work presented here is based on
and cultural landscape, at least at a local fieldwork in 2000 and 2001, during which
level. The thesis on which this paper is I conducted more than 100 in-depth
based sets out to explain this new interviews1. These were mostly carried out
geography of migration to Europe using during extended stays in London and
the recent migration of Algerians to the Marseilles which also involved periods of
UK as an example (Collyer 2002). This participant observation in various Algerian
paper summarises the main findings of the protest movements. I also conducted
thesis. interviews on shorter visits to Paris,
Brussels, Sangatte and three detention
Many of these new national communities centres in the UK. This paper summarises
in Europe have grown up through refugee the results of this research. The first three
migration. The first priority for refugees is sections outline the background to the
obviously to escape the situation of risk or conflict in Algeria, current patterns of
persecution in which they find themselves. Algerian migration and the situation in
It may be that the location of these new France. The following two sections turn to
communities can be explained by the the UK, examining differences between
practicalities of seeking protection, such as the Algerian community in France and the
direct flights (Bocker and Havinga 1998a, UK and investigating why Algerians do and
1998b), but there may also be some do not come to the UK. Finally, the
further element of choice involved. There conclusion examines the implications of
is some controversy over the degree to this research for migration policy and
which refugees exercise choice in selecting theory.
a destination beyond the imperative of
effective protection (Richmond 1988; 1 62 of these interviews were carried out with recent
Black 1992, 1994; RGS 1993; Koser Algerian migrants. These were mostly multiple
interviews of several hours each. The rest were with
1997a). Many European governments view
key informants; Refugee advice workers, NGO
the expression of a preference of asylum
workers, lawyers, members of pressure groups, local
country as evidence of an unfounded and national government officials, European
asylum claim, as enshrined in the Dublin Commission officials and prominent members of the
Algerian community in London, Paris and Marseilles.
2
2. The Background to Current remain in France legally for a longer
Algerian Emigration period were family reunion migration,
student migration and seeking asylum. At

this time it was relatively easy to remain
Until very recently the history of Algerian
without documents in France but the
emigration was the history of Algerian
Algerian economy was booming and there
migration to France. In 1990 the Algerian
was less economic incentive to leave the
community in France was estimated at
country than during the previous decade
more than one million people (Khandriche
(Stora 1992). Following the introduction of
et al 1999). This represents 97 percent of
visa restrictions by France in 1986, it
all Algerians living outside of Algeria
became much more difficult for Algerians
(OECD 1992 quoted in Fassmann and
to reach France without prior
Munz 1994). From 1990 onwards
authorisation.
migration began to diversify as a result of

the current conflict. Significant migration
In the late 1980s the crisis in the Algerian
from Algeria to France began shortly
economy became increasingly obvious.
before the First World War (Hifi 1985).
Major riots in 1988 in Algiers provoked a
Initially this migration was circular and the
re-examination of the one party system
huge majority of emigrants returned to
that had ruled Algeria since independence.
Algeria after a few years away (Gillette
The first free elections in Algeria, the local
and Sayad 1984). In 1946 Algerians were
elections of June 1990, were won
allowed to circulate freely between Algeria
comfortably by the Front Islamique du
and France (Stora 1992). Free circulation
Salut (Islamic Salvation Front: FIS), a
lasted until 1968, six years after Algerian
newly created Islamic party (Willis 1996).
independence. In the early 1950s and
The second round of general elections in
1960s Algerian emigration began to grow
January 1992 was cancelled by the army
rapidly. This growth was caused partly by
when it became clear that the FIS would
the upheaval caused by the 1954-62 war
also win them by a very large margin.
with France but also by the tremendous
Activists in the Islamist movement were
demand for workers in the rapidly
arrested and imprisoned or fled the
expanding French economy (Talha 1983;
country (Leveau 1992; RSF 1994). A range
Sayad et al. 1991; Samers 1997).
of armed groups also formed and began
Emigrants tended to remain in France for
to wage a guerrilla war against the army
longer and longer periods of time (Sayad
and, as time went on, the civilian
1977). France stopped all labour
population (Martinez 1998; Stora 2001).
emigration in 1974, about the same time
During the decade that the conflict has
labour migration ended across Europe.
lasted more than 100,000 people have

been killed and both sides have been
Algerian emigration continued after 1974,
condemned by international institutions
but it began to change. Labour migration
and NGOs for atrocities committed during
had been almost exclusively male. During
the fighting (eg. US Department of State
the 1970s women came to join their
2001; Amnesty International 2002). Ten
husbands through family reunion
years later it seems that with the help of
migration, signifying the increasing
massive financial and military assistance
permanence of a migration that was
the Algerian regime has withstood the
initially thought of as temporary, by both
challenge posed by the Islamist
the French and the Algerians involved.
movement. Fighting continues and the
Between 1972 and 1982 the proportion of
situation remains extremely serious but it
women grew from under 10 to more than
is now very difficult to envisage the
30 percent of the total Algerian
overthrow of the current government and
community in France (Khader 1993). After
the economy appears strong and stable.
1974 Algerians could still visit France for
Unfortunately very few of these benefits
short periods of time with relatively few
have reached the Algerian people (Joffe
restrictions, but they could not stay longer
2002). The relationship between the
than the period allowed by their tourist
regime and the mass of increasingly poor
visas, currently between one and three
and desperate citizens does not appear to
months. After labour migration ended the
have changed significantly since the
only significant ways for Algerians to
3
situation which provoked the riots of 1988 role of emigration and emigrants has
(Roberts 2003). Even though the violence continually developed (Sayad 1977).
has eased considerably the ensuing Current emigration differs from previous
economic crisis and endemic official patterns in three significant ways; the
corruption have ensured that demand for predominance of asylum, the diversity of
emigration has continued largely destinations and the profile of emigrants.
unabated. Figure 1 shows the tremendous rise in
Algerian asylum seekers in Europe from
1992 onwards, when the severity of the
crisis became apparent. Further
3. Patterns of Current Algerian
fluctuations in numbers of asylum seekers
Emigration can also be attributed to events in Algeria.
Over this period more Algerians requested
There can be no doubt that the main asylum in Europe than received any other
impetus for Algerian migration over the residential status. In contrast to previous
past decade has been the current conflict labour migration, over the past decade,
and its aftermath. Although emigration Algerian emigration has become
from Algeria has continued relatively predominantly an emigration of asylum.
uninterrupted for over a century the social

16000
14000 Total asylum claims excluding German data
12000 Total asylum claims including German data
10000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

Figure 1: Total asylum claims made by Algerians in Europe 1990 - 2001
Source UNHCR (2002)

The increasing diversity of destinations emigration, which focused almost
was highlighted in the introduction and is exclusively on France (Figure 2).
a factor common to other migration to
Europe. Previous emigrants from Algeria
travelled almost exclusively to France and
France undoubtedly remains the
destination of choice for most Algerians.
Most Algerians come to France with a
short-term tourist visa2. There is not
sufficient data available to allow a
comparison between France and other
European countries as a destination for all
Algerian emigration but comparable data
exists on asylum requests. This emigration
is far more diverse than previous labour

2 In the early 1990s approximately 100,000 tourist
visas were issued a year (Assemble Nationale 1996)
compared to 10,000 residency visas (SOPEMI 1999).
4
3500
Germany
3000 Belguim
France
2500
Netherlands
2000 UK
1500
1000
500
0
1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001

Figure 2: Asylum requests registered by Algerians in the five European countries to have
received most requests 1994 – 2001 (source UNHCR 2002)

Although a comparable number of far harder than entering any other
Algerians have requested asylum in Britain country. The UK border is one of the
as in France over the past eight years the external borders of the EU, so it is to be
majority of Algerians I interviewed in expected that it is more difficult to cross
Britain had come through France. Of the than the internal borders of the Schengen
thirty people I spoke to in Britain, only zone. It is more surprising that all
four had come directly from Algeria, 24 Algerians in Britain, even those who had
had come from France and two had come obtained visas, claimed that barriers to
from the Netherlands (Fig. 3). However, entry were more stringent at borders to
only a minority of these people left Algeria Britain than at the external borders of the
with the specific intention of reaching Schengen zone. Of the thirty people
Britain (seven out of 30). Britain did not interviewed in Britain only two had been
represent the powerful international able to obtain visas, a further two did not
attraction for these people that is need visas but the remaining 26 entered
sometimes claimed. Rather, they came to the country illegally. All 26 eventually
Britain almost by default, once possibilities claimed asylum, though some did so
for protection and livelihood elsewhere in immediately on arrival and others did not
Europe had evaporated. Figure 3 shows claim until they were arrested for illegal
that some of these individuals travelled residence. In one case, this was more
quite extensively around Europe before than two years later. Two of the Algerians
coming to Britain. Those people who I spoke to in France had actually
travelled through France, Italy and Spain attempted to get to Britain, but had given
stopped for periods of time varying from a up, as it proved too difficult. Again, this
few months to two years before moving challenges the claim that British
on. immigration is a ‘soft touch’ and suggests
that it was certainly not ease of entry that
It is perhaps not surprising that many attracted these Algerians to Britain.
Algerians visited other countries first, since
they all reported that entering Britain was
(cid:20)(cid:5)(cid:4)(cid:2)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:17) (cid:19)(cid:5)(cid:4)(cid:7)(cid:10)
(cid:19)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:13)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:21)
(cid:12)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:10)(cid:7)(cid:6)(cid:16)
(cid:14)(cid:4)(cid:10)(cid:15)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:2)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:17)(cid:18)
(cid:1)
(cid:12)(cid:4)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:6)(cid:11)(cid:13)
(cid:28)(cid:11)(cid:29)(cid:30)
(cid:22)(cid:5)(cid:7)(cid:16)(cid:23)(cid:4) (cid:1)
(cid:24)(cid:25)(cid:7)(cid:6)(cid:16)
(cid:1) (cid:20)(cid:10)(cid:7)(cid:2)(cid:21)
(cid:1)
(cid:1)
(cid:8)(cid:9)(cid:5)(cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:3)(cid:7)(cid:2)
(cid:1)
(cid:1) (cid:1)
(cid:1) (cid:1)
(cid:27)(cid:11)(cid:16)(cid:6)(cid:18)(cid:6)(cid:7)
(cid:26)(cid:9)(cid:5)(cid:9)(cid:23)(cid:23)(cid:9) (cid:1)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:7)
(cid:31) !(cid:13) "(cid:31)(cid:31)
(cid:1)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:2)(cid:6)
(cid:7)(cid:8)(cid:5)(cid:9)(cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:12)(cid:13)(cid:4)(cid:12)(cid:14)(cid:2)
(cid:15)(cid:16)(cid:17)
(cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:18)(cid:10)(cid:19)(cid:10)(cid:18)(cid:8)(cid:12)(cid:20)(cid:13)(cid:21)(cid:2)(cid:8)(cid:5)(cid:11)(cid:16)(cid:17)(cid:13)(cid:2)(cid:19)(cid:16)(cid:5)(cid:13)(cid:20)(cid:12)(cid:11)(cid:18)
(cid:10)(cid:11)(cid:18)(cid:10)(cid:19)(cid:10)(cid:18)(cid:8)(cid:12)(cid:20)(cid:13)(cid:21)(cid:2)(cid:8)(cid:5)(cid:11)(cid:16)(cid:17)(cid:13)(cid:22)(cid:17)(cid:13)(cid:12)(cid:10)(cid:5)

Figure 3: Migration routes of Algerians interviewed in Britain

Current Algerian emigration not only cancelled in 1992 the first group of people
differs from previous patterns in the to leave were Islamist leaders, frequently
diversity of destinations, but also in the well educated technocrats. In 1993, as
profile of current migrants. Indeed, the terrorism began to take root secular left
new type of migrant is one explanation for wing intellectuals were the first victims
the diversification of destinations. and many were forced to leave by direct
Algerians initially emigrated for the terrorist threats or attacks. As terrorist
purposes of finding work. Some attacks spread, deserters from the army or
emigration was of course for university the gendarmerie and inhabitants of more
education or research, but in the main, rural areas also fled.
emigrants before 1974 were unemployed
and working class. Subsequent family As well as having the motivation to leave,
emigration was very similar. From the late well qualified, wealthier individuals were
1980s onwards emigrants were more likely also amongst the few who had the means
to be highly qualified, often university to leave. The possibility of travelling to
educated, multi-lingual and employed. France was restricted dramatically
These people had both the motivation and between 1988, when over 500,000 short
the means to leave. The motivation came term visas were issued to Algerians, and
from their political position amongst either 1995, when an estimated 40,000 visas
the Islamist leaders or those who criticised were issued. Even 40,000 is far more than
them. Even in this relatively short time issued by any other country but these
period the profile of emigrants varied visas went most frequently to those with
considerably. When the elections were existing contacts to France. Algerian
6
intellectuals had often studied abroad for Algerian emigrants. The French
some period of time and many therefore government has made every effort to
had a network of foreign based friends or reduce Algerian immigration, through
colleagues, often in France. The solidarity targeted restrictions in immigration and
expressed through these networks also asylum policy. This was mainly caused by
favoured the better educated, at least the fear of the consequences of the
initially, by providing the support they Algerian conflict spilling over into the
needed to receive a visa and settle once Algerian community in France. This fear
they had arrived. The restrictions on the has not been realised; there have been
number of visas issued by France led to a very few incidents linked to the Algerian
rise in the demand for forged or conflict in France and they occurred
fraudulent visas. These were often mostly in 1994 and 1995 (Stora 2001).
expensive; I was quoted figures of However these restrictions have had
between US$350 and US$900 for a French severe consequences for Algerian
visa, at a time when the average annual emigrants as the possibility of refuge in
salary had fallen to US$1,600 (US the most natural destination for them has
Department of State 2001). For those been dramatically reduced. This is
unable to obtain a visa legitimately, the reflected in the surprisingly small number
cost of a forged visa alone would have of Algerians who have emigrated during
been beyond the means of even the the conflict.
averagely wealthy, let alone the poor and
unemployed. Since 1992 approximately 50,000
Algerians have left the country to seek
The difference in the profile of new and asylum (US Committee for Refugees
previous emigrants is important since 2001). Total emigration has undoubtedly
previous emigrants now form the settled been significantly higher since many
Algerian community in France. Many new people have been able to obtain other
migrants I interviewed had closer contacts forms of residency and undocumented
with French society than with the migration has also played a role. However,
established Algerian community in France. even allowing for that, the number of
In part this is due to the lack of resources people to have left Algeria is far smaller
of the Algerian community who are over than, for example, the half million or more
represented in the poorest sector of who left Bosnia during the contemporary
French society. It was most common for crisis there. Special provisions introduced
new migrants to be assisted by migrants in Germany, the most obvious destination
who had arrived a short period of time for Bosnians due to its historical ties and
before them. Many recently arrived geographical proximity, facilitated Bosnian
Algerians reported a feeling of hostility emigration (Joly 2002). This was not the
from the settled Algerian community in case for Algerians. Although the French
France due, partly, to the very different government introduced comparatively
social positions they occupied in Algerian generous exceptions to stringent
society. This suggests that the large immigration and asylum legislation for
established Algerian community in France Bosnians, Kurds and Kosovans in the
was not necessarily an attraction for new 1990s there was no such relaxing of the
migrants since they tended not to have rules for Algerians. In fact for most of the
much contact with them anyway. last decade Algerians have been at a
disadvantage compared to other national
groups.
4. The Situation in France
Algerians migrating to France have been
If the Algerian community in France does faced with barriers in both asylum and
not represent as much of an attraction for immigration law. Recognition rates for
new migrants as might be expected there Algerian asylum seekers in France, at
are certainly many other advantages to between one and four percent, depending
France as a refuge for Algerians. Although on the year, are considerably lower than
many Algerians now go elsewhere, France the average for all nationalities. Algerians
remains the overwhelming destination for fearing persecution by Islamist groups are
7
frequently not granted refugee status as, equality but this was only ratified in
until very recently, the French body December 2002. This means that, from
responsible for determining asylum claims, 1994 to 2002 Algerians faced greater
OFPRA, has not recognised non-state barriers to immigration than other
agents of persecution. Those Algerians nationalities. Combined with the difficulties
who are fleeing state persecution are they face in claiming asylum in France,
generally members of Islamic political this represents a nationality-specific
parties or armed groups and they are not immigration barrier.
recognised either. This is a somewhat
simplified characterisation of the French The French government has also clamped
asylum system but it offers a partial down on activities of Algerian Islamist
explanation for the low recognition rate for groups in France, again in an effort to
Algerian asylum seekers. An informal avoid the Algerian conflict spreading. Soon
status of temporary protection was after the beginning of the conflict, all
introduced in 1994 specifically for activity by FIS representatives was banned
Algerians. This was officially implemented in France. A number of key figures in this
in new legislation in 1998 (the loi movement were expelled to Burkina Faso
Chevenement) as territorial asylum, which in 1994 and one eventually claimed
is open to all nationalities. Territorial asylum in London in 1995. Others have
asylum is similar to Exceptional Leave to been granted asylum in Germany or
Remain (ELR) in Britain, but has an Belgium, but it extremely rare for
applications procedure entirely separate members or supporters of the FIS to have
from asylum under the Geneva been granted asylum in France. There has
Convention. Applicants have no right to been some controversy among refugee
state support, or work, during the support groups in France as to whether
application procedure, which may be assistance should be offered to Islamists.
longer than a year in some areas. More Groups such as the Comite Internationale
than 90 per cent of applicants are Algerian du Soutien des Intellectuels Algériens
and their chance of success is no greater (International Committee of Support for
than for convention asylum. Statistics are Algerian Intellectuals: CISIA) have been
not public but only a few hundred people criticised for their decision to refuse
are thought to have benefited from assistance to Islamists, but also criticised
territorial asylum since 1998 (Delouvin for refusing to denounce Islamist activities
2000). (Skandrani 1995; Delafin 1995). The
UNHCR has stipulated that an individual’s
Algerians also face significant barriers in suitability for asylum should relate to
French immigration legislation. They have activities they have taken part in or
always had a special status with respect to supported, not their political affiliation.3
French immigration since they are not For example, individuals who have taken
considered under general immigration law part in terrorist acts are excluded from the
but in the series of separately negotiated possibility of receiving asylum, but the
‘Franco-Algerian agreements’. The first UNHCR has stated that members of the
agreement in 1968 gave Algerians FIS should normally be considered
considerable advantages compared to all (UNHCR 1995, 1997).
other nationalities. Through successive
modifications these advantages have been Despite the strictly enforced barriers to
gradually eroded. The 1994 agreement entry to France and the specific attempts
actually put Algerians at a considerable by the French government to exclude one
disadvantage in a number of situations, side of the conflict entirely, Algerians
for example an Algerian who arrived on a
short term visa and then married a French 3 Article 1F of the 1951 Convention provides
citizen or permanent resident was obliged details of activities which exclude an
to return to Algeria to request a different individual from consideration for refugee
visa before they were considered to be status. Articles 32(2) details the circumstances
legally resident in France. This was only by which someone who has already been
the case for Algerians. In 2001 this was granted refugee status may be expelled. Both
renegotiated again to establish greater of these articles emphasise the serious nature
of the activities.
8
continue to come to France in larger In addition to differences between
numbers than anywhere else. Algeria is recently arrived and well established
much closer to France than any other Algerian migrants in France, this research
European country, in terms of geography, found differences in the profile of recent
language and history. In terms of Algerian migrants who had come to
education and culture France is still, France and to the UK. Two notable
without doubt, the most influential country differences concern family status and
in Algeria. French media is widely political activity. First, all available
available, such that TF1, the main French information suggests that single men are
TV channel is the most watched station in hugely over represented amongst recent
Algeria4. It is also easier for Algerians to Algerian arrivals in the UK5. Family groups
maintain contact with Algeria from France with children are not uncommon but much
than from anywhere else. France therefore more rare among this group in Britain than
attracts those Algerians who are in France. Most striking is the virtual
particularly keen to stay in contact and absence of single women who have no
hope to return. relationship to a family that is also present
in Britain. For example, no lawyer I spoke
France has also seen a flourishing to in London reported ever having
Algerian-focused civil society. More than represented an Algerian woman as the
100 organisations have been set up in main applicant in an asylum claim.
France in direct response to the crisis in Refugee support services in London also
Algeria (Lloyd 1999a; Cuenat 1999) reported a presence of unmarried Algerian
whereas Britain has only four comparable women among all Algerians in their user
associations. Algerian groups in France groups of between none and four per
vary from small-scale solidarity cent6.
organisations often working in partnership
with an individual region or even village in One of the main reasons for this appears
Algeria to national political democratic to be the extreme difficulty of legal entry
movements who openly criticise the into Britain, as compared to France. The
Algerian government (Blumental 1999). All high level of undocumented entry by
political currents except Islamism are Algerians has already been mentioned.
represented. French political debates have This in itself has tended to favour young,
a direct impact in Algeria and because of single men. The presence of children is an
the shared media, France is arguably the obvious barrier to undocumented
most effective place to lobby the Algerian migration and unsurprisingly all the
government. Given these attractions it Algerian families I spoke to in Britain had
may be expected that the only people who entered the country legally, often after the
would seek refuge in Britain are those who father had received secure status. Families
were unable to reach France, either due to are more likely to have sought refuge in
the barriers to entry, or to their political France, due to the comparative ease of
activities. However, the previous section

noted that Algerians in Britain have
5 No statistics or information are published on
generally come through France (Figure 2),
this question but all the information I was able
suggesting that barriers to entry to France
to gather from lawyers representing Algerian
are not a significant factor. The following
asylum seekers in the UK and support services
section provides further evidence that
for refugees suggests that this is the case.
supports this observation. 6 The Algerian Refugee Council reported never

having advised a single Algerian woman in the
five years of its existence. The World
4. Differences in the profile of University Service reported that only 10 out of
245 Algerians in contact with the Service over
Algerian refugees in France
a five year period were single women. A
and the UK
mental health project for refugees in Waltham
Forest had also never advised a single Algerian
woman, although Algerians were its largest

user group. This impression was also
4 This information comes from a personal
confirmed by key figures in the Algerian
communication with the former director of Algeria’s
radio network. community.
9