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271 Pages·2014·1.84 MB·English
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The Mexican-American Diaspora and its Influence on American Trade Policy By Melissa Mucci Pineda A Thesis Submitted to the Department of Political Studies In Conformity with the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada February 2014 Copyright © Melissa Mucci Pineda, 2014 Abstract This study focuses on the Mexican-American community in the US, the American and Mexican governments, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and trade in general between the US and Mexico. The empirical focus of this study is the influence of the Mexican-American diaspora on US policy, specifically with respect to trade. I attempt to trace the influence of the diaspora in the political debates over NAFTA, and in the post-NAFTA debates. I pose the following questions: 1-Does the Mexican-American diaspora have influence in US domestic politics and the US-Mexico relationship? 2-Does the diaspora use what influence it has to achieve its interests? 3-If so, is it generally successful? These questions will be explored in the context of American trade policy. The Mexican-American diaspora has the resources and characteristics needed to exert influence, but is it so inclined? In order to measure its influence, it must first be asked whether the diaspora attempts to use it in pursuing specific interests. An important component of this analysis will be to determine whether Mexican- Americans are able- and perceived as able- to influence decision-making in the US government through the vote. Other important questions therefore include: Do Mexican-Americans vote? If so, whom do they vote for? And, are Mexican-Americans politically active? The answers to these questions will help us paint a more accurate picture of Mexican-Americans and their influence on US trade policy. This study will reveal that the Mexican-American community has played an increasingly important role in American politics. It will show that the Mexican- American diaspora has an impact on domestic issues such as immigration, but that it is also interested and influential in foreign policy, particularly trade. I intend to demonstrate this influence by exploring its role in the establishment of NAFTA and in the ensuing American debates on hemispheric trade policy. ii Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to express my gratitude to my doctoral thesis advisor, Professor Charles Pentland, for his thoughtful guidance and assistance throughout the past five years. He initially inspired me in the classroom in my first year of doctoral studies at Queen’s University; his manner, intelligence, and his passion for teaching significantly influenced me. Professor Pentland has been a perpetual source of knowledge and encouragement for me throughout this entire process. His suggestions and assistance have been invaluable. I would also like to thank Professor Haglund, who first introduced the fascinating topic of diasporas to me in his American Foreign Policy course in my first year of doctoral studies. His work has been extremely helpful throughout the research phase of my thesis. I am grateful to the members of my doctoral committee, whose suggestions helped shape and strengthen my thesis. I would also like to express my gratitude to my Master’s supervisor, Brock University Professor Pierre Lizée, who strongly encouraged me to pursue my doctorate in International Relations, and to do so at Queen’s. I would like to thank my best girl friends (you know who you are) for their continuous support and encouragement during this lengthy process. They have listened to me speak (and vent) about my thesis many times throughout the years. I would like to offer a special thanks to my parents, Frank and Hélène Mucci, whose constant love and support has always been a blessing. They are incredible individuals who have provided me with the necessary skills and confidence to seize any and every opportunity that came my way. If it were not for my dad, who encouraged me to go to Brock University (where he met my mother many years ago) and to take Political Science and History as my undergraduate majors, then my life would have been very different indeed. I would not have discovered my passion for politics and International Relations at such an early age, and most importantly, I would not have met the most significant person in my life, my husband Jorge Pineda. iii Jorge has been an inspiration to me since I met him more than eight years ago. Jorge has an insatiable appetite for knowledge and is constantly studying, reading, and teaching himself new things. He is ambitious and motivated, and is, without a doubt, my role model. Jorge is a lawyer and history buff, and he just finished writing his first historical fiction novel. His drive and determination inspire me on a daily basis. Many professors and academics have often repeated two things to me: that writing one’s doctoral thesis is the most challenging thing you will ever do, and that writing it is incredibly lonely. You are alone with your thoughts and ideas, and you are the only person who has studied your topic to this extent and depth, therefore creating a “wall” between you and the “outside world”. Although I concur with the first comment, I was fortunate to have never experienced loneliness during my research and writing phases. This is because I always had my husband on my side of the wall with me. Jorge was my sounding board, my support system, and a constant source of encouragement. He challenged me intellectually, pushed me to work harder, and helped me flesh out my ideas time and time again. The completion of my doctoral thesis would not have been possible without him. I have learned so much from him, and could not have asked for a better friend, partner, and husband.     iv Table of Contents Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents v Glossary vi Chapter 1- Why the Mexican-American Diaspora? 1 Chapter 2- Ethnic Diasporas and American Foreign Policy 13 Chapter 3- Concepts and Methods 50 Chapter 4- Host State: The United States 72 Chapter 5- Kin State: Mexico 119 Chapter 6- Mexican-American Potential and the Void 152 Chapter 7- Mexican-American Influence: The Case of NAFTA and Beyond 199 Chapter 8- Conclusion 234 Bibliography 244 v Glossary AGIF- American GI Forum AIPAC- The American Israel Public Affairs Committee CAFTA-DR- The Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement CANF- The Cuban American National Foundation CHC- Congressional Hispanic Caucus CHCI- Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute CSO- Community Service Organization CUSFTA- The Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement EZLN- Zapatista Army of National Liberation FDI- Foreign Direct Investment FTAA- Free Trade Area of the Americas GATT- The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade GDP- Gross Domestic Product HAFT- The Hispanic Alliance for Free Trade HTAs- Hometown Associations IBT- International Brotherhood of Teamsters IME- Institute for Mexicans Abroad IRCA- Immigration Reform and Control Act LA- Los Angeles LULAC- League of United Latin American Citizens MAD- Mexican American Democrats MALDEF- Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund MAPA- Mexican American Political Association MHTAs- Mexican Hometown Associations vi MNVREP- Midwest-Northeast Voter Registration Education Project MVREP- Midwest Voter Registration Education Project NADB- North American Development Bank NAFTA- The North American Free Trade Agreement NALEO- National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials NCLR- National Council of La Raza NSLA- The National Survey on Latinos in America PACME- Programa de Atención a la Comunidad Mexicana en el Extranjero/The Program for Mexican Communities Living Abroad PAN- The National Action Party PASSO- Political Association of Spanish-Speaking Organizations PRD- The Party of the Democratic Republic PRI- The Institutional Revolutionary Party SES- Socioeconomic Status SPP- The Security and Prosperity Partnership SVREP- Southwest Voter Registration and Education Project US- United States VRA- US Voting Rights Act vii Chapter 1- Why the Mexican-American Diaspora? This study focuses on the Mexican-American community in the United States (US), the American and Mexican governments, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and trade in general between both the US and Mexico.1 Its empirical focus is the influence of the Mexican-American diaspora on US trade policy. According to the 2010 US Census, there are 308.75 million people living in the US. A total of 50.5 million of those people are of Latino origin. Latinos are the largest minority group in America. Furthermore, out of the total number of Latinos, 31.8 million are of Mexican origin. Therefore, Mexicans constitute the majority of Latinos (63 per cent) in the US. Puerto Ricans, at just over 4.1 million, are the second largest Latino group in the US. Cuban-Americans come in third with 1.6 million people. Although Mexican-Americans comprise the majority of Latinos, not much is known about this large group, apart from the generally negative images. For example, Mexican- Americans have typically been stereotyped as low-skilled, job-seeking migrants with little education and diminutive English proficiency. Mexicans are simply referred to as “Latinos” in the US; no distinction is usually made between this group and other Latinos. Furthermore, although there is extensive literature on diasporas, the Mexican-American diaspora is somewhat neglected. Even the Cuban-Americans have more literature devoted to them, though their population is negligible in comparison to Mexican-Americans. The Mexican-Americans have been the least-studied of America’s diasporas. Considering the numbers alone, I thought that Mexican-Americans in the US were worth investigating. Their numbers suggested to me that Mexican-Americans were more influential than scholars thought. Since it is relatively under-studied, I intend to provide insight into the Mexican-American diaspora. I chose this topic because it has the potential to produce an original                                                                                                                 1 While a significant participant in the agreement, for the purposes of this study, Canada will not be discussed. 1 contribution to the literature on diasporas and the domestic politics of US trade policy. While to a certain extent my findings may be applicable to diasporas in general, this is not the principal intent of my work. I knew it was important to examine both the homeland and the host state in this study since the Mexican-American diaspora- more than some others- has a strong relationship with both countries. The former, Mexico, and the latter, the US, have a long history and a complicated relationship- one that has evolved significantly throughout the past century. The relationship has varied between resentment, distrust, and friendship. However, it has deepened, especially in the past few decades, as a result of shared concerns and interests. The US and Mexico will always be inextricably linked as a result of their contiguous border. Their border is the most integrated region in the world.2 What happens in one country often affects the other, whether it is drugs, violence, migration, or trade. This study focuses on trade in general between the US and Mexico because trade is such an important component in the relationship between the two countries. I decided to focus on four main bilateral trade-related cases: NAFTA, the debates on fast-track authority and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), the debates regarding the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), and the debates concerning the trucking dispute. I instinctively thought Mexican-Americans had to have played some role in the establishment of NAFTA, and in other trade-related issues involving both countries. I use NAFTA, and trade in general between both the US and Mexico, to illustrate the Mexican-American diaspora’s political influence in the US, and the implications for US trade policy in particular. It is necessary to examine NAFTA in depth since this trade agreement is ultimately the beginning of the economic relations between the US and Mexico. NAFTA is also the start of the increase in the Mexican- American diaspora’s influence.                                                                                                                 2 ‘Trade disagreement: the inequalities of NAFTA,’ The Christian Century 126, 18 (September 8, 2009): 11. 2 In terms of gross product, North America is the largest free trade area in the world.3 The agreement was welcomed as a favorable first step towards the increased integration of North America.4 Upon its initiation in January 1994, NAFTA represented a six trillion dollar economy with a population of 360 million people. By 2004, the NAFTA area had grown to a 12.5 trillion dollar economy with a population of 430 million people.5 Roughly 2.5 billion dollars in trade occurs each day between the three countries.6 Trade and investment barriers were dismantled as a result of NAFTA. The governments of the US, Mexico, and Canada agreed to strengthen the bonds of their friendship and cooperation, contribute to the development and expansion of world trade, create an expanded secure market for the goods and services created in their countries, reduce trade distortions, and establish clear and fair rules governing their trade. The three countries decided to promote sustainable development and environmental protection, safeguard the public welfare, strengthen the development and enforcement of laws and regulations concerning the environment, and protect workers and their rights.7 NAFTA was created with the intention of promoting economic growth by ‘spurring competition in domestic markets and promoting investment from both domestic and foreign sources.’8 This has worked, and as a result, the efficiency and productivity of North American companies have improved significantly. Gary C. Hufbauer and Jeffrey J. Schott correctly state that “without question” NAFTA has been a commercial success.9 In ‘economic terms, NAFTA                                                                                                                 3 ‘The future of North America: replacing a bad neighbor policy,’ Foreign Affairs 87, 4 (July- August 2008): 84. 4 ‘North American integration. To each his own,’ The Economist (February 26th-March 4th, 2011): 44. 5 Gary Clyde Hufbauer and Jeffrey J. Schott, NAFTA Revisited. Achievements and Challenges (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2005), 1. 6 Andrea MacDonald, ‘NAFTA: A Delicate Balance,’ World Trade 22, 10 (October 2009): 33. 7 ‘Canada and the North American Free Trade Agreement,’ Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada, http://www.international.gc.ca/trade-agreements-accords-commerciaus/agr- acc/nafta-alena/index.aspx (accessed October 1, 2011). 8 Lee Hudson Teslik, ‘NAFTA’s Economic Impact,’ Council on Foreign Relations, http://cfr.org/publication/15790/naftas_economic_impact.html (accessed June 1, 2011). 9 Gary C. Hufbauer and Jeffrey J. Schott, ‘The Prospects for Deeper North American Economic Integration: A US. Perspective,’ C.D. Howe Institute 195 (January 2004): 1. 3

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