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The marriage of Philip of Habsburg and Mary Tudor and anti-Spanish sentiment in England PDF

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The marriage of Philip of Habsburg and Mary Tudor and anti-Spanish sentiment in England : political economies and culture, 1553-1557. Samson, Alexander Winton Seton The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author For additional information about this publication click this link. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/jspui/handle/123456789/1604 Information about this research object was correct at the time of download; we occasionally make corrections to records, please therefore check the published record when citing. For more information contact [email protected] 1 The Marriage of Philip of Habsburg and Mary Tudor and Anti-Spanish Sentiment in England: Political Economies and Culture, 1553-1557. ;J11 I' _45 ;7. ! -- I••' c4 • ••. -•-4.. I-- ( - I ' ' I •. - -. III I ; r y-;, 9 •- ..e• I II ;i' ii .') ; I' c' r1 •' - • I iiIj h I! 1 - ii •. I I- • -• • I I • 1I.. (. •--'- 'I L'1. 1 a iIqA -.-' I 241 j&r I - 1 t; :ti e _1uJ4hi_1&1k4_)'1 I ? 1• L - ___ #• (' '' ,1. Li i1 !1J \ • ' ftiUi I-." i' 1-' . ( __ ' .2L_•uI -d•i i :f. 1' • I -S -5I4 14 • A •.•• . ;:.' PhD thesis by Alexander Winton Seton Samson. Queen Mary and Westfield College. (LO N) 2 Abstract This thesis examines the early part of Mary I's reign, focusing on her marriage to Philip of Habsburg and the marginalisation of their co-monarchy in Tudor historiography. By looking at the diplomatic background and political opposition in England, I interrogate the notion that anti-Spanish sentiment was a central cause of the Wyatt rebellion, arguing that instead its aetiology lay in female sovereignty and the constitutional uncertainties produced by it. Dynasticism tended to alienate power from familiar, local and territorial sources of political authority. Infant mortality and the vicissitudes of the marriage market in this context threatened discrete 'national' identities with an incipient imperialist internationalism. I analyse in detail the marriage contract and 'Act declaring that the regal power of this realm is in the Queen's Majesty', using them as evidence to show that anxieties about property rights were not related to the repudiation of the Supremacy, repeal of Henrician legislation and return of papal jurisdiction. The staging of the wedding harped on Philip's inferior status, inverting that which the marriage ceremony rehearsed. The Castilian writing of England as a romance of chivalry sublimated a sexual licence which repeated the fears played upon by exiled polemicists that the kingdom had been transformed into the feminised subject of Spanish male authority. Anti-Spanish propaganda did not reflect popular xenophobia. It was literate and sophisticated, related to sectarian struggle and engaged with theories of justifiable disobedience. Finally, I treat the joint royal London Entry and representations of Philip and Mary welcoming his assumption of authority in relation to both England and his new queen. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS TitlePage..............................................................................................................................1 Abstract................................................................................................................................2 Tableof Contents................................................................................................................3 Listof Illustrations.............................................................................................................4 Acknowledgements.............................................................................................................. 5 Abbreviations.....................................................................................................................6 Introduction........................................................................................................................7 1. International Relations and Seminal Exchanges: Commerceand the Political History of Romance....................................................... 18 1. 1. The Anglo-B urgundian Axis: Chivalry, Etiquette, and Cultural History..... . 29 1. 2. 'Womanly Daring': the Accession ofMary Tudor......................................... 43 1. 3. Coronation .....................................................................................................54 2. A Nuptial Prelude and the Political Origins of Popular Xenophobia......................68 2. 1. Marriage Contract and International Treaty.................................................... 84 2. 2. Foreign Threat and the Wyatt Rebellion, 1554: AReligious or Politic Resistance?.............................................................. 106 2. 3. Effeminisation andAnti-Spanish Sentiment ..................................................... 126 3. Comuneros, 1520: Dynasticism, Internationalism, and Locating Allegiance.......138 4. 'Sole Queen'................................................................................................................. 160 4. 1. 'Act declaring that the regal power of this realm is in the Queen Majesty'... 174 4. 2. Hermaphrodite: the Case ofFemale Sovereignty........................................... 188 5. A Marriage made in Heaven? TheAnglo-Hispanic Court in England, 1554-1556 ................................................206 5. 1. The Wedding................................................................................................ 212 5. 2. Sexual Conquest and el caballeresco...........................................................233 5. 2. Royal Entry.................................................................................................. 243 Conclusion...................................................................................................................... 259 ...................................................................................................................261 Bibliography 4 Illustrations 1.Andrea Mantegna, Judith and Holofernes (1492). NationalGallery of Art, Washington..............................................................................p. 58. 2.Copper plate engraving, La batalla de Muhlberg (1547). BibliotecaNacional.....................................................................................................p. 115. 3.Print from William Turner, The Hunting of Romyshe Wolfe (Emden: 1555). BodleianLibrary, Oxford.............................................................................................p. 123. 4.Titian, Venus andAdonis, (c. 155 1-1554). Museodel Prado, Madrid............................................................................................p. 210. 5.Antonis Mor portratit of Mary Tudor (November 1554). Museodel Prado, Madrid.............................................................................................p. 220. 6.Hans Eworth portrait of Mary Tudor (1556). NationalPortrait Gallery, London................................................................................p. 221. 7.Frontispiece of The Great Bible (London: Richard Grafton, 1539). St. John's Library Cambridge).....................................................................................p. 248. 8.Nova Descriptio Hispania (1555), map engraved by Thomas Gemini. BibliothequeNational, Paris........................................................................................p. 257. 9.Britannia Jnsulae Quae Nunc Angliae Et Scotiae Regna Continet Gum Hibernia Adiacente Nova Descriptio (1555), map engraved by Thomas Gemini. BibliothequeNational, Paris.......................................................................................p. 258. 5 Acknowledgements This project owes most to my supervisors. I would like to thank Lisa Jardine for her enthusiasm and constantly positive comments; Peter Evans for his attentive readings of my drafts and helpful suggestions for pulling it all together; and Charles Davis. I thank my friend Glyn Redworth for our frank and interesting discussions of Marian history and Craig Muidrew for allowing me to read an unpublished article of his. Roger Mettkam was extremely supportive and the European History 1500-1800 Seminar provided me with a perfect forum to test out my ideas. I would like to thank the staff of the Biblioteca Nacional Rare Books and Manuscript Room, of Simancas, the British Library and Corpus Christi College Library, Cambridge. My mother, brother James, and father have all played an essential role in bringing this to fruition. Last but not least I would like to thank Carolina Carrillo Plasencia for her support and encouragement. 6 Abbreviations AGS Archivo General de Simancas BNM Biblioteca Nacional en Madrid BL British Library Cal. Dom. Calendar of State Papers Domestic 1547-1580, Mary I, 1553-1558, (London: HMSO, 1856). Cal. For. Calendar of State Papers. Foreign: Edward VI. Mary. Elizaabeth I, 25 vols. (London: HMSO, 1861-1950). Cal. Span. Royall Tyler (ed.), Calendar of Letters. Despatches. and State Papers.Relating to the Negotiations Between England and Spain, vols. XI-Xffl (London: HMSO, 1916, 1949, 1954). Cal. Ven. R. Brown (eds.), Calendar of State Papers and Mausrcipts Existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice, vols. 5 and 6 (two parts), ed. Rawdon Brown, (London: Longman and Co., 1873-188 1). DNB Dictionary of National Biography, 63 vols. (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1885-1900). Grevfriars Chronicle Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, Camden Society 53, 1st ser. (London: J. Nichols and Son, 1851). Machvn's Diary J. G. Nichols (ed.), The Diary of Henry Machvn (London: Camden Society, 1848). Tower Chronicle J. G. Nichols (ed.), The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of two years of Queen Mary, Camden Society XLVffl, (London: Camden Society, 1850). Tudor Royal Proclamations P. Hughes and J. Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations: Vol. 2 The Later Tudors (1553-1587, (London: Yale University Press, 1969). Viaje de Felipe Segundo Andrés Mufioz, Viaje de Felipe Segundo a Inglaterra y Relaciones Varias Relativas Al Mismo Suceso, ed. Pacual de Gayángos and D. Manuel Zarco del Valle (Madrid: La Sociedad de Bilbiófilos Espafioles, 1877). 7 Introduction The reign of Mary Tudor, perhaps more than any other period in British history, is bedeviled by, what Jennifer Loach and Robert littler called in 1980 in the volume which inaugurated a major reassessment of the mid-Tudor period, "the liberal and Protestant shibboleths of the Asquithean era".' J. A. Froude's characterisation of Maiy's rule as a 'barren interlude' in the nineteenth century has had a tenacious hold on the historical imagination. As late as 1970, E. H. Harbison concurred, the "reign of Mary has been called a 'barren interlude' in Tudor history, and so it undoubtedly was."2 A. F. Pollard, influenced by Froude, wrote at the beginning of the twentieth century: "Sterility was the conclusive note of Mary's reign", in default of royal or ministerial leadership there could only be stagnation... the whole nation malingered in divers degrees. Debarred from the paths it wished to pursue, it would not follow in Mary's wake. A blight had fallen on national faith and confidence, and Israel took to its tents.3 Pollard's language closely echoed Froude's. The description of her reign with images of infertility is suggestive of why Pollard and Froude found Marian history unpalatable. Her childlessness signalled the end of Habsburg dynastic hopes in England and Catholic restoration. The bainess of the period is a corollary of Mary's fated and felicitous (for them) inability to produce an heir. Pollard's notion of the 'national faith', of England as 'Israel', resonates with the investment in sectarian and providentialist histories, which have been at the root of readings of Mary ever since. The parochial and anti-Catholic assumptions of both historians substantiated their judgement that in terms of our nation's destiny, "Mary's reign had been a palpable failure".4 In these Whigghish interpretations, "Mary represented the 'Jennifer Loach and Robert littler (eds.), The Mid-Tudor Polity c. 1540-1560 (London: MacMillan, 1980), p. 1. 2E H. Harbison, Rival Ambassadors at the Court of Oueen Mary (New York: Books for Libraries Press, repr. 1970), Preface, p. vii. The original comment is from Froude. 3A. F. Pollard, The History of England From the Accession of Edward VI to the Death of Elizabeth (1547-1 603), The Political History of England, 12 vols. (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1915), vol. 6, p. 172. 4A. F. Pollard, The History of England, p. 173. 8 failed past, while the Protestant Henry Vifi and Elizabeth I stood for the glorious future".5 The recent film Elizabeth (1998) by Shekhar Kapur, typifies the hold which propagandist myths disseminated from the Reformation onwards have on our historical imagination. It plots a linear development from Henry's repudiation of Roman authority to imperial triumph via Gloriana religious settlement; moving from the dark, torch-lit world of a hysterical and neurotic Mary whom Philip finds repulsive, to the absurd notion that by the end of Elizabeth's reign, England was the most powerful nation on earth. Professor David Loades, the most important modem historian of Marian England, someone whose influence must be acknowledged by anyone writing on this subject, writes that "the picture painted by Froude and endorsed by Pollard was a grotesque caricature". 6 He remains, however, "unrepentantly sceptical of the attempts which are sometimes made to claim that Mary's death at the relatively early age of forty three deprived England of a great catholic queen".7 The grounds for his position are that her reign, "did not command the same consensus of support as that of Elizabeth - or even the level achieved by Flemy in the last years of his life".8 Here my reading differs from his, since I would tend to support such claims in order to counter and compensate for the bias which haunts this period. In the 1950s, S. T. Bindoff judged the Marian 'interlude': "Politically bankrupt, spiritually impoverished, economically anarchic, and intellectually enervated, Marian England awaited the day of its deliverance".9 Professor Geoffrey Elton's assessment of Mary in 1977 was no better. He described her as "arrogant, assertive, bigoted, stubborn, suspicious and (not to put too fine a point upon it) rather stupid... devoid of political skill, unable to compromise, set only on the wholesale reversal of a generation's history".'° This remains representative of the majority 5Edwin Jones, The English Nation: The Great Myth (Thrupp: Sutton Publishing, 1998), p. 226. 6David Loades, The Reign of Mary Tudor: Politics. Government and Religion in England 1553-1558 (London: Longman, 2nd ed. 1991), p. x. 7Ibid. 8lbid. 9S. T. Bindoff, Tudor England (London: Penguin, 1950), p. 182. '°Geoffrey Elton, Reform and Reformation: England 1509-1558 (London: Edward Arnold, 1977), p. 376. 9 view." The trouble with Mary and what makes the Marian period fascinating are two central and related problems. Firstly, even where historians have recoiled from the excesses of earlier writers, it is true that, "the basically Whiggish and ultimately Protestant view of things is still a potent influence", albeit in a diluted, residual, and secularised form.' 2 The official view of the British past is built around an understanding of the Reformation, in which Mary is necessarily antipathetic; an investment in the image of the Tudors riding on the back of popular anti- clericalism and turning their backs on a papacy which had systematically encroached and trespassed on the liberties and independence of the English Church and State during the medieval period. The concept of the Reformation as a movement of national liberation, restoring England to an original sovereign estate and laying the foundations for the nation's "divinely appointed role as the 'elect nation', destined to lead Protestantism in the old world of Europe and in the new world of the widespread colonies abroad", makes any recuperation of Mary atavistic.'3 l'his moment is a watershed; the schism which fractures the British and European historiographical traditions. The misrepresentation of Mary's reign is a nationalist imperative. Secondly, Philip's reign in England has to a considerable extent been erased from our historical memory. As David Loades has written in a recent review of historiography and research of the period: "Philip as king of England remains a shadowy figure, and his relationship with Mary appears less straightforward the more it is investigated".' 4 The flip- side of Mary's marginalization in Tudor historiography is the scant and lightweight treatment given to the 'enterprise of England' as much by Hispanist historians as in Tudor history. The most recent biographies of Philip H, by Geoffrey Parker, Henry Kamen, and Manuel Fernández Alvarez, cover this four year period of his career in a mere two, five and ten pages "Elizabeth Russell, 'Mary Tudor and Mr. Jorkins', Historical Research 63:152 (1990), 263-276, p. 263. '2Edwin Jones, The English Nation: The Great Myth, p. 239. '3lbid, p. 192. '4David Loades, 'The Reign of Mary Tudor: Historiography and Research', Albion 21:4 (1989), 547-558, p. 556.

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the notion that anti-Spanish sentiment was a central cause of the Wyatt rebellion, merchants often returned to the Iberian peninsula via London, Southampton, .. us to consider that she [Mary Tudor] had better contract an alliance with The author was a Greek and Latin tutor to Philip in the 1540s.
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