THE LEGAL, POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL ROOTS OF TUTELARY REGIME IN SINGLE-PARTY PERIOD A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY HATEM ETE IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY JULY 2012 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science/Arts / Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Ayşe Saktanber Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science/Arts/Doctor of Philosophy. Assoc. Prof. Ceylan Tokluoğlu Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. İhsan Dağı (METU,SOC) ______________________ Assoc. Prof. Ceylan Tokluoğlu (METU,SOC) ______________________ Prof. Dr. Mesut Yeğen (İST. ŞEHİR U.,SOC) ______________________ Assist. Prof. Çağatay Topal (METU,SOC) ______________________ Assist. Prof. Ahmet Murat Aytaç (ANK. U., POLS) ______________________ ii I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name: Hatem Ete Signature: iii The research for this dissertation was partially supported by the Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey, TUBITAK. iv ABSTRACT THE LEGAL, POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL ROOTS OF TUTELARY REGIME IN SINGLE-PARTY PERIOD Ete, Hatem Ph.D. Department of Sociology Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ceylan Tokluoğlu July, 2012, 404 pages This dissertation examines the political regime during the single party rule in Turkey between the years of 1923-1950 in relation to the concept of tutelage. The main argument supported in this work is that tutelary tendencies, contrary to the assumptions of Kemalist historicization, do not serve as segue to democracy, but rather make consolidation of democracy difficult, even impossible. In support, this dissertation provides a close examination of the Kemalist nation building process beginning from the Ottoman modernization process extending to the demographic engineering projects of the Republic. The examination reveals that tutelary tendencies are a reflection of the savior mission undertaken by the elite during the Ottoman-Republican modernization process. The political elite, in their mission to save and build the nation, not only ignored the political and social fabric of the time, but they insisted on radical interventions to the demographic fabric of the society in order to transform it to the nation they envisioned. During the execution of the nation-building project increasingly more authoritarian measures were legitimized by declared target of democracy. The social resistance to the radical interventions was suppressed by more authoritarian measures that were perceived as the cost of achieving democracy. The elite perceived themselves uniquely fit for deciding what is in the best interest of the people. Whether the aim of democratization was reached or not was also decided by the tutelary elite. Not wanting to let go of the power, they continuously invented v new prerequisites to democracy. This cycle resulted in the persistence of the authoritarian regime. In the final analysis, this dissertation reveals that the tutelary tendencies of the avant-garde elite are the biggest obstacle on the path to democracy. Keywords: Tutelage, Avant-garde elite, nation-building process. vi ÖZ TEK PARTİ DÖNEMİ VESAYET REJİMİNİN YASAL, SİYASAL VE SOSYOLOJİK KÖKLERİ Ete, Hatem Doktora, Sosyoloji Bölümü Tez Yöneticisi: Doç. Dr. Ceylan Tokluoğlu Temmuz, 2012, 404 sayfa Bu çalışma, 1923-1950 yılları arasında Türkiye‘de hüküm süren tek parti iktidarının siyasal rejimini vesayet kavramı çerçevesinde ele almaktadır. Çalışma, vesayetçi eğilimlerin, Kemalist tarih yazımının varsaydığının aksine, demokratik rejime geçişi kolaylaştırmak yerine zorlaştırdığını hatta zaman zaman imkânsızlaştırdığını savunmaktadır. Bu çerçevede çalışma, vesayet eğiliminin elitlerin Osmanlı-Cumhuriyet modernleşme sürecinde edindikleri kurtarıcılık misyonunun bir yansıması olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Elinizdeki çalışmada, vesayetçiliğin demokratik rejime geçişi kolaylaştırdığı iddiasını sınamak üzere Kemalist ulus inşa sürecine bakılmıştır. Hayata geçirilmek istenen ulus inşa sürecinin dönemin toplumsal dokusunu hesaba katmaması, dahası mevcut toplumsal dokuya radikal müdahaleler öngörmesi, projenin toplumsal dirençle karşılaşmasına yol açmış, öncü kadrolar, direnci bastırmak için rejimi otoriterleştirmişlerdir. Öncü kadrolar, toplum için öngördükleri hedefe varmak için otoriter bir rejime ihtiyaç duymuşlardır. Otoriter rejim, bu hedefler için gerekli ve meşru görülmüştür. Böylece, ulus inşa süreci otoriter rejime gerekçe kılınmış, rejimin demokratikleşmesi bu sürecin tamamlanması koşuluna bağlanmıştır. Kemalist seçkinler, toplum adına ‗doğru‘ ve ‗gerekli‘ olanın ne olduğuna karar verme hakkını kendilerinde görmüşlerdir. Hedefe varılıp varılmadığı veya vii koşulların geçersiz hale gelip gelmediği kararının, öncü kadroların tekelinde olması, vesayetçiliğin demokratik öngörüsünün gerçekleşmemesine, otoriter rejimin kalıcılığını sürdürmesine yol açmıştır. Öncü kadrolar, iktidarı ellerinde tutmak ve alternatif kadrolarla paylaşmamak için sürekli yeni misyonlar edinmiş ve demokratik geçişi bu misyonların başarılması koşuluna bağlamışlardır. Bu döngü, demokratik rejimin geciktirilmesine ve otoriter rejimin süreklileşmesine yol açmıştır. Sonuç olarak, bu çalışma, öncü kadroların vesayetçi eğilimlerinin demokratik siyasetin önündeki en güçlü engel olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: vesayet, öncü kadrolar, ulus-inşa süreci. viii To My Parents ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A work like this is never the product of a single author. In the course of writing this dissertation, I accrued many intellectual and personal debts that I would like to acknowledge here with deep gratitude. The journey that resulted in this work extended over two continents and several years. While it is impossible to fit all those who passed through my life and contributed to this project in various ways, I would like to name a few whose generous intellectual support and encouragement made this dissertation possible. I am grateful for the guidance of my thesis advisor Mesut Yeğen. I benefited enourmously from his thoughtful and inspiring insights. I would like to thank Ceylan Tokluoğlu, who has accepted to be the thesis advisor after Mesut Yeğen left METU. I also would like to thank the members of my committee İhsan Dağı, Ahmet Murat Aytaç, and Çağatay Topal for their assistance and critical feedback in the final stages of this project. I would like to thank TUBITAK for providing the grant that made the year I spent at Columbia University for research possible. The intellectual framework of this dissertation was first shaped during that year. I would like to thank Kadir, Mehmet, Bayram, Cenk, Salim and Nur for their friendship and the intellectual discussions that have inspired me at critical moments. In addition to the time spent at Columbia, Nur has also given me support during the final stages of this dissertation while at SETA. I would like to thank my research assistants Eda, Doğan, Galip and Sami for the assistance they provided. I owe special thanks to my colleagues Taha, Bekir, Yılmaz, Talip, Selin, Cemallettin, Barbaros, Hamza, Nuh, Yunus and Hüseyin for the encouragement and motivation they have given me in order to complete this project. Writing a dissertation, perhaps more than any intellectual support, needs a strong family. I would like to thank my parents and my brother Müstecap for making it impossible with their persistent questions visiting them without finishing my dissertation. Finally, this work would not have been possible x
Description: