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Volume 2002, Number 4 Winter 2002 THE KEYNOTER Page The Keynoter THE APIC KEYNOTER Published Quarterly Volume 2002, Number 4 Winter 2002 FEATURES: Editor's Message The Election of 1952 Page 3 "I Like Ike" vs. "MadlyforAdlai" Page 4 Sign ofthe Times: 1901 Inaugural Program Page 10 The Election of1952wasafull halfcenturyago. To A Fine View ofthe President Page 15 some of us, Eisenhower vs. Stevenson seems like yes- The FDR Clocks, Part 3 Page 17 terday. Toyoungercollectors,we mightaswell be talk- The Maddox Pick Handle Page 23 ingGarfieldvs. Hancock. TheElecdonof1952wasthe The American Independent Party Page 26 first elecdon in which media began to dominate. Lester Maddox andJimmy Carter Page 26 Soon T\commercials replaced streetcornerspeeches and mass media replaced mass rallies. These days, DEPARTMENTS: even when a candidate holds a large rally, it is aimed APIC Interview: Lester Maddox Page 18 more for the T\âudience than the people in the hall. Collecting History: WWII Page 27 Today, the growing impact of the Internet carrying messages,jokes and charges to millions of computer Illustrations: The editor wishes to thank the following for providing screens maywell prove to be as significanta change as illustrations for this issue: Dan Duncan, Roger Fischer, Robert Fratkin, television was in 1952. David andJanice Frent, Harvey Goldberg, Chick Harris, Brian Knapf, Skip Morgan, John Pendergrass, Richard Rector, Robin and Julie Stay tuned for more. Powell, Philip Ross, Ed Sullivan and Tom Tedford. Some readers may question our focus on Lester Maddox. Yet those politicians who fought against Covers: Front:TwoRWB 3 1/2" buttonsfrom the 1952campaign. Back: modemitv'are no lessa partofourpolitical fabric than Recently discovered RWB Coolidge-Dawesjugate decal. the Socialists and others who eschew the mainstream. Besides, things are always more complicated than they seem. Interviewer Richard Rector relates this story about Maddox: "It's odd but Lester Maddox actually appointed more African-Americans to positions in stategovernment then anyprevious GeorgiaGovernor IN THE NEXT ISSUE Julian Bond tells a story ofgoing to Governor Sanders The first presidential election after the Civil War and askinghim to appoint an African-American to the draft board. Sanders told him he would have to encompassed the most serious ofissues. It wasn't aMpapdodiontxawictohmtmhiettseaemetoresqtuuedsyt.it.MHaeddwoexntastkoeGdoivfetrhneorre paonlditidceaalthr.heItto'sriGcratnotsavsy.tSheeyymwoeurreimnatthteerEsleocftiliofne were any blacks in the military. When told that there of 1868 plus an interviewwith 1988 hopeful Paul were, he appointed some to the draft board. That is Simon and other interesting features. whyyou have the odd tale ofMartin Luther King aide HoseaWilliamsas thechiefsponsorofthefailedeffort ."Vllcorrespondence about AssociateEditor SupportServices to get Maddox a state pension." contentshouldbe Robert Fratkin Germaine Brou.ssard addressed to: KaySampson Kelly ContributingEditors ERRATA Editor Steve Baxley Michael Kelly Stephen Cresswell Page 7 of the Fall 2002 issue featured a William 1901 MontclairAvenue DavidFrent Jennings Bnan and Adlai Stevenson button (with the Flint, MI 48503 originalAdlai Stevenson, the grandfatherof1952'sver- [Email: [email protected]] EditorialBoard APICseekstoencourageand Robert Fratkin supportthestudyandpreser- sfniorotonm)1.819T86h9.e6."caTpthieonBreyrraonn/eSotuesvleyyndseosncrtiicbkeedtirtaansain"cl1a9s0s0i,c Alslhocmuoalirdlriebnsegpoaandndddreencscospeeiaedsbtoou:t EHadMrBmivrcueihnyaandeGloKSrluKadlelplbilfevyragn vpiUoasnltsiiiuttoiienncdgaloSftfraotoemrcsiaagominfnpdAaamliregermnliaastcteioarnfigatanhltdeso Publisher to bring its members fuller Joe Hayes Contributors appreciation and deeper P.O. Box 1149 Robert Fratkin understanding oftlie candi- Cibolo,TX 78108 Philip Ross dates and issues that form Michael Kelly [Email: [email protected]] RichardJ.Rector ourpoliticalheritage. Editor TomTedford ©2003APICTexas78108 PrintedinUSA byLebcoGraphics The Keynoter Page 3 THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES OF 1952 REPUBLICAN PARTY i PEACE^ DEMOCRATIC PARTY (Eisenhower and Nixon) ^ÊQUALITYc^^ (Stevenson and Sparkman) 33,936,252 27,314,992 (442) (89) PROGRESSIVE PARTY von VOTE SOCIALIST " ROW HOOPES D FRIEDMAN/ PEACE V\ PROHIBITION PARTY IN '52 SOCIALIST PARTY (Hamblen and Holtwick) (Hoopes and Friedman) AMERICAN LABOR PARTY* 72,769 20,189 (Hallinan and Bass) 140,138 FARMER KRAJEWSKI SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY Hass and Emeiy CHRISTIAN NATIONALIST 30,376 POOR MAN'S PARTY (Mac Arthur and Tenny) (Krajewski andJenkins) 10,557 4,203 SOCIAUSTWORKERS PARTY CONSTITUTION &AMERICAFIRST (Dobbs and Weiss) GREENBACKPARTY (Mac Arthur and Byrd) 10,306 2911 & 233 (Proehl and Bedell) AMERICAN VEGETARIAN PARTY CHURCH OF GOD PARTY (Murphy and Gould) (Tomlinson and Bass) *THE AMERICAN LABOR and COMMUNIST PARTIES supported Hallinan and Bass. Mac Arthur and Kellems were the candidates ofthe CONSTITUTION OF CALIF. PARTY. Ellen L.Jensen was the Presidential Candidate ofthe WASHINGTON PEACE PARTY. Page 4 The KevTioter 1952: "I Like Ike" versus 44'Madly for Adlai" AOLAI by Michael Kelly As the campaign of 1952 approached, the Democrats had The presidential picture on the Democratic side was even held die WTiile House for t\\enr\' unbroken vears, leading muddier President Tmman had decided not to run again. Groucho Marx to wisecrack tliat "the onh wa\ a Republican The Democrats were walking on eggshells after the part)' \\ill get into the \\liite House is to manT Margaret Trtiman." splits in 1948 had resulted in both the far-right Dixiecrat Four dmes tmder FDRand again under the surprising Harr\' Democrats and far-left Progressive Democrats fielding inde- Truman the Democrats had trotmced the Republicans pendent tickets tmder Gov. Strom Thunnond and former through a tiubulent era of depression, world war. cold war Vice President Henn'\Vallace, respectiveh'. The old Dixiecrat anda newkind ofpolice acdon in a far-offland called Korea. and Progressive forces had their hopefuls for the 1952 nomi- As is natural during such a long period of one-part\' power nation: Georgia Sen. Richard Russell for the rightand diplo- combinedwith the social disnipdons that come with war. cor- matAverell Harriman for the left. rtipdon had seeped into manvgovernmental progiams. Shaking up the scene was liberal Sen. Estes Kefauver of The vear 1952 would mark the halRvav point ofa century Tennessee. Kefau\"er hadwon wide fame from the newmedi- that had begun \Nith William McKinley in the White Hotise um of telexision. The nation watched spellbound as "The and .America's first overseas war (against Spain). Much had Kefauver Committee" exposed organized crime in a series of changed in the subsequent half centur\'. Manv historians telexised hearings, a new phenomenon in the Fifties. mark 1952asthefirst"modem"presidendalcampaign. Itwas Kefativerjumped into the race and upset President Tiaiman certainly the first in which mass media-especially tele\ision - in the New Hampshire primar\' before the President had began to plav the critical role it has plaved eversince. announced that he wouldn't be running for re-election. That\earwasalso thelast\earofrealnadonalconventions, Kefauverwent on to sweep almost even'primarybut in 1952, in the sense that delegates gathered for both the Republican the part\' was still in the hands of organization bosses. The and Democratic conventions (both held in Chicago's bosseswanted Illinois Gov. Adlai Stevenson. International .Amphitheater, onlv two weeks apart) withotit Stevenson was a northern moderate whose positions on kno\Ning in ad\"ance who their nominee would be. The ci\"il rights were thought to be more conserx'ative than Republicans had a momentous head-to-head clash between Kefauverand Harriman. Beingfrom Illinois, he had obrious- Ohio's scholarly Sen. RobertA. Taft and Ehright Eisenhower, ly come to terms with the part)' machine yet his intellectual commanderofthe alliedforces ofWorldWar II. Taft's integri- eloqtience attracted the idealists. The onlv problem was the ty and longtime parts' leadership gave him an earlv lead but fact that Stevenson didn't want the presidential nomination. Eisenhower's tidal wave of war hero poptilarit\ pro\ed irre- In the end, Stevenson's wishes would be less important that sistible and the GOP nomination went to the retired general. the needs of his part)' and the fall election would feature Interestinglv, a number of Democratic partv leaders (includ- Stevenson versus Eisenhower The Republicans picked a ris- ingPresidentTruman) had tried to draftEisenhowerfor their ing voung senator from California named Richard Xixon as presidential nomination in 1948 withoutsuccess. Ike'smnningmatewhile theDemocrats uiedtobalance their . The Keynoter Page 5 10,306votesforFarrell Dobbsand MyraWeiss. Fanner Henry Krajewski and running male Frank Jenkins managed 4,203 votes on the colorful Poor Man's Party while small Constitution and America First parties managed a few thou- sandvoteshereand thereforticketsfeaturingMacArthurand Virginia Sen. Hany Byrd. The elecU(Mi of 1952 saw the last gasps of the Greenback Party and Vegetarian Party plus the arrival ofHomer Tomlinson's Church ofGod Party (later to become the Theocratic Party). No votes were recorded for anyofthe latter. The campaign produced a dazzlingamount of interesting material.Thepost-warprosperitycombinedwithanemerging consumersociety to bring a myriad ofmaterial into the presidential battie. Loyalists could boast their support with sun- glasses, drinking cups, popcorn boxes, pens, pencils, hats, license plates, fans, phones, neckties, handkerchiefs, comic books, pennants, cigarette packs, cigarette lighters, garters, jeweliy, dresses and- ofcourse - buttons. The campaign produced what may be the most famous political campaign slogan button of all time, a button that became a symbol ofthe era. It wasn't fancy. It didn't involve elaborate graphics. It only carried three words with a total of eight letters: "I Like Ike." divided party by tapping Alabama's liberal (but anti-civil DwightEisenhowerisalongname, toolongforagoodslo- rights) Sen.John Sparkman. gan. Button makers made some feeble attempts to use Unlike 1948, minor parties made litde impression on the Eisenhower's given name ("Make the White House the general election. Abandoned by Henry Wallace, the Dwight House") butnothinghad the power ofhis nickname, Progressive Party soldiered on under Vincent Hallinan and Ike. The slogan was not only memorable; it was accurate. Charlotta Bass (who also won the endorsement of the People did like Ike. His critical role in winning the worldwar American Labor Party and the Communist Party) but drew was balanced by a—down-home, fol—ksy persona that seemed only 140,138 votes. The Prohibition Party managed a approachable and to be precise likeable. respectable fourth place with 72,769 votes under Stuart Stevenson supporters at first derided the "I Like Ike" phe- HamblinandEnoch Holtwick.TheSocialistLaborPartyfield- nomenon as hokey, but that response emphasized Stevenson ed Eric Hass and Stephen Emery, garnering 30,376 votes as an out-of-touch aristocrat descended from political royalty while the honorable old Socialist Party ofEugene Debs and (his grandfather had been GroverCleveland'sVice President Norman Thomasstaggered inwith 20,189votesfortheirtick- and his son would later become U.S. Senator from Illinois) etofDarlington HoopesandSamuel Friedman. Othertickets Soon the Democratswere searchingfor theirown snappyslo- included the Christian Nationalist Party that nominated an gan to boost Stevenson. unwilling Gen. Douglas MacArthur andJack Tenney to win Democratic faithful tried to counter with items reading 10,557voteswith theSocialistWorkersPartyrightbehindwith "We Need Adlai Badly" "Gladly forAdlai" or "I'm Madly for Page 6 The Keynoter Adliii" bill all three slogvins required one to mispronounce was a potent banner as the (ôld War came into focus and the candidate's name (sa\ing it as "Ad-lee" rather than the .Americans were dxing on the battlefields of Korea. The conect "Ad-lye"). Oilier allempts called for voters to go "All Democi~ats continued to run against Herbert Hoover, a win- TheWayWith Adlai," claimed "Adlai is OK" orinsisted "I Say ning tactic for the last two decades, with slogans like "Don't Adiai," bill ihev required his name to be pronounced "Ad- LeiThemTakeItAwav!"AbriefscandaloverRichardNixon's lav." At least one big cits organization button bom the special expenses fund wiis swept awav with the famous Democratic 4oUi Ward club tried "OurGuvisAdlai"which at "Checkers" speech and the "1 Like Ike"wave builtinto aland- least rhymed accuraielv, it tailed to be memorable (although slide. The populaiirv' ofa successful war hero proved to once nonewentasfarasan item from his 1956 campaign boosting again be hard to oppose. Stevenson and running-mate Esies Kefauver with the slogan On Election Dav, Eisenhowerwon one ofthe largest elec- "AdlaiandEstes-TheBestest" ortheGOPstickerreading"\e tion \ictoiies in histoiy With over 33 million votes to Gad! NotAd!"). The APIC Stevenson Project published over Stevenson's27million, Ike tookover55% ofthevoteand car- 20 vears ago erroneouslv includes two buttons ("1 Believe In ried thirt\' states. He even broke the Democratic "Solid Sieve" and "We've Got Steve Up Our Sleeve") that are actual- South," walking awav with Texas, Virginia, Tennessee and h from a Colorado local campaign. Florida. Stevenson didn't win amthing outside ofhis party's The most successful Democratic responses to the "1 Like southern base. Ike"buttonsconcededEisenhower'slikeabilin'butinsistedon Stevenson's eloquence and intelligent won him devoted supportingStevenson. "I Like IkeBut1AmGoingToVoteFor support among Democratic lovalists, leading to a second Stevenson" read one while the most effective of all pictured nomination in 1956 and an active hopeful raceforthe party's cartoonist Bill Mauldin's famous ordinary' G.I., Willie, with nomination in 1960. Eisenhowerwenton todelivertwo terms the statement "I Like Stevenson." markedb\'apeace and prosperit\'that seems almostafantasy Therewereissues,ofcourse.TheGOPhadtheirbigthree: in terms ofthe decades thatwould follow. Bv the time he left Corruption, Communism and Korea. Charges ofcomiption office, the turbulentSixtieshadanivedand thesimpledaysof resonated after twent\ \ears of one-part\' rule, Communism "I Like Ike" would become a matterofquaint nostalgia.* EISENHOWER^ WORKING PRESS BOSTON GARDEN Nov. 3, 1952 # ***•»» them The Keynoter Page 7 Postwar prosperity combined with increased industrial capacity to create awide range ofmaterial ! in the 1952 campaign. WEAR A PAIR AND SHOW YOUR FRIENDS ^^^^^^ ^1 . ^^3H^ mm Page 8 The Keynoter LIKE IKE I BUT AM GOING TO I IS VOTE FOR i i j STEVENSON / Li J^^L I STEVENSON/ ADLAl LIKES IKE TOO RFwr CONTROL BATTERYOPERATED WE NEED ADLAl f "I Like Ike" was the perfect campaign slogan. Attempts to counter it with slogans like "My Guy is Adlai" or "We Need Adlai Badly" never clicked.Afterawhile, some Democraticbuttonsthrewinthetoweland insisted "I Like Ike But I Am Going to Vote for Stevenson." PARTY PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION ATLAS GUEST WITH39MM>SSHOWINGELECTORALVOTE BYSTATES ANDPARTIES1796TODATE )4 ELECTION NIGHT Ill NOVEMBER 1952 4, FROMSP.M Page 9 TheInaugurationofEisenhowerandNixon-fiftyyearsago-wasthebegin- ning of a new era. It would turn out to be an era dominated by Richard Nixon. Between 1952 and 1972, Richard Nixon was on the national ballot every time but once. He ran for VP in 1952 and 1956 and for President in 1960, 1968 and 1972. Only 1964, the Goldwateryear, did die GOP put up a ticketwithout Nixon. That turned out to be the year they lost big. Page 10 The Keynoter A Sign of the Times: The 1901 Official Inaugural Souvenir Program by Philip Ross J. Presidential inaugurations in the United States are tra- events; and an enumeration of the musical selections for ditionally times forpageantiTand thinlyveiled partisanship the Inaugural Ball. In describing the souvenir book given as the nation turns its attention to installing a new out at that sole inaugural ball held at the Pension Office President. These quadrennial celebrations may also be building, the program reported, reflective oftheir times and reveal the direction and future towOarndewhciicishtotmhaeinTatrieosnouarncdeitfsolreasdteurdsyienxgpecatPtroemsiodveen.tial "tuTrheefsrooumvetnhierofrodritnhaerypreensgernatvebadllcairsdas,debloiughntdfuwlidtehprairb-- inauguration is the official inatigural program, a staple among official inaugtiral memorabilia. The inaugural pro- grams of 1901 and 2001 stand in sharp contrast in many ways btit, at the same time, do share links, including one quite imusual one. The OfficialSouvenirProgram, InauguralCeremonies, March 4, 1901 is a 104-page fact-filled official program that was issued by the Committee on Printing and bound in a bizarre green burlap cover with an embossed paper seal with ribbon on it. Its contents provide interesting insight into the United Statesas itcrossed the threshold into aperi- od ofnew power and new challenges. The 1901 ceremony was the first inauguration ofthe 20th century; significantly itwas also the first inauguration after the United States suc- cessfully made its first major foray into inter—national mili- taryaction and territorial acqtiisition byforce the Spanish American war in 1898. The United States in 1901 was, for the second time, swearing in William McKinley, an J. extremely popular president-so popular that there was public sentiment favoring more than a two-term presidency for him. The United States was experiencing a period of growth in which itwas ptiffed up with patriotism and brava- do. This nationalistic spiritwas nowhere more evident than in the pages of the 1901 inaugural program and its cata- logue of events and their descripfion. After all, the 1901 inaugural also marked the ascension ofthe "Rough Rider" Theodore Roosevelt to the Office ofVice President. The composition ofthe Inaugural Committee, as reported in the program, clearly reflected the times too. Among the members of the Executive Committee were an abun- dance of prominent military figures, including General Nelson Miles andAdmiral George Dewey, both minor presidential hopefuls in theirown right. 1901 wasonlysomefive years after the United States Supreme Courtestablished the judicial doctrine of "separate but equal" in Plessy v. Ferguson. Following the norm of that day, the 1901 program devoted a separate page to naming and displaying photographs ofthefourteen "ProminentColored Members ofthe Inatigural Committees." The 1901 inaugural program provided, among other things, a lead feature entitled "Inatigurations and the City ofWashington"; a listing ofeach member ofthe Inatigural Committees, Subcommittees, and other staff along with numerousphotographsoflistedpersons; adetaileddescrip- tion of the inaugural parade; a complete chronology and description ofeach componentofthe fifty-segment "display ofaerial fireworks"; adescription ofthe protocol forvarious