The Internet in China From Infrastructure to a Nascent Civil Society Gianluigi Negro The Internet in China Gianluigi Negro The Internet in China From Infrastructure to a Nascent Civil Society Gianluigi Negro University of Lugano Lugano, Switzerland ISBN 978-3-319-60404-6 ISBN 978-3-319-60405-3 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-60405-3 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017949479 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. 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Cover credit: Vladmax Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland To my family F oreword The role that the Internet and its services has assumed on a worldwide scale is plain for anyone to see. In less than 30 years, the Internet has become, in many countries, one of the main and, in many cases, the most important channel for communicating and circulating information within social, economic and political life. In the West, its rapid develop- ment has almost always anticipated a nation’s ability to regulate its use. On several occasions, there have been tardy and hasty interventions that have only served to highlight this inability to correct the malfunctions and have triggered large-scale adverse reactions. Even today, conflict and widespread problems regarding the Internet abound. There have even been cases where public agencies have been accused of illegally using the Internet to “control,” “spy on” or interfere with the activities of other countries. Among the main countries involved in such “scandals” are the United States and Russia. For some time, one of the major issues being discussed within the European public agenda is the position of power that certain US companies have assumed throughout the conti- nent through the Internet, the most well-known being Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Google and Twitter. The case of Google is currently the most relevant as of the end of June 2017, the European Commission, after eight years of investigation, ordered the company to pay 2.42 billion euros for abusing its position of power in Member States. The same US company has also previously been accused by some European nations of collecting advertising resources without paying the due taxes in their respective national markets and has been ordered to settle its debt with vii viii FOREWORD their treasury. The accusations made against Google, however, concern not only economic but also political and cultural aspects. The sentiment of many Europeans is authentically represented by a senior executive at Axel Springer, one of the largest European media companies, who, after pushing the European Commission to continue its investigation into Google without accepting compromises, wrote an open letter in 2014 to Google’s president, denouncing the influence the company has had on “our values, our understanding of human nature, our view on the world social order and the future of Europe” (quoted in Financial Time, 1–2 July 2017, p. 7). The Internet’s role and its problems in the West and, in particular, in Europe, presented above are in stark contrast to the substantial igno- rance and little interest that the West has shown in the activities, role and problems represented by the Internet in China, where it is now used by the majority of the population, with a penetration that continues to grow at a lively pace: users currently number more than 700 million, equipped for the most with mobile connections, and have long exceeded the num- ber of European and US users. Although China is the number two world power and plays a leading role in world political and economic affairs, in the West, studies, analysis and research on the Chinese communication system and media are still only just taking off. However, some valuable research within the academic sphere has been done and that number is growing. This is probably because while the persistent simplification of China’s economy has been partially overcome, that of its communica- tion and media has not. Many still envision China as a place lacking in democracy and the full freedom of information, where the Communist Party and Government transform all media into propaganda, manipulat- ing information and conditioning the public opinion. As a result, there is little interest in studying and understanding the communication and mass media models that have been widely experienced in Europe since the 1900s in major countries like Italy, Germany, Portugal, Spain and the Soviet Union. Gianluigi Negro’s book is refreshing because it is a deci- sive contribution toward overcoming this reluctance. His book provides the tools necessary for those who want to overcome the myopia and open their eyes to the reality in China in a field that is probably more complex and difficult than any other as it intertwines the political, eco- nomic, socio-cultural and technical factors that characterize it with the speed of innovation and the great mass of people involved. FOREWORD ix Scrolling the index and reading the author’s introduction, one can easily absorb the content and structure of the book, so I don’t have to mention it here. My intent instead is to draw the readers’ attention to certain aspects that allow them to better appreciate the research work behind the book and highlight the findings that I consider to be of par- ticular interest. The first item of note is Gianluigi Negro’s education and scientific expertise, which is derived from the combination of two major disci- plines. In fact, he studied sinology at Ca ‘Foscari University in Venice and holds a doctorate in communication sciences from the Università della Svizzera italiana (USI). He also speaks and reads Chinese fluently, which he has perfected during prolonged stays in China. This background allows Negro to analyze and interpret the Internet starting from the historical, cultural and socio-political reality of China, which he knows well. At the same time, it allows him to deal with the theme not as a neophyte, an observer, but as someone who exploits a solid knowledge of the science of communication and the media. This background is indispensable for interpreting not only how the Internet has developed and structured itself in China, but also why it has followed that path and achieved those results, namely the political, economic and social factors that have determined it. In addition, at the Università della Svizzera italiana (USI), Negro has found a particularly suitable context for work on both sides of China and the media and communication pro- vided by the China Media Observatory (CMO), which has, since the early 2000s, worked closely with the university and research centers in China. The second factor is the quality of research, in particular, the meth- odological approach and sources used by the author. As I’ve already mentioned, Negro was formed by the “Lugano School,” which has always applied, throughout its extensive research, a “multifocal” approach to investigating and interpreting the phenomena analyzed and is where the analysis grid adopts and compares different points of view from economic to political, sociological to culturological. This approach has allowed Negro to avoid technological determinism and offer a “holistic” view of the phenomenon analyzed. The reader will thus learn about and evaluate the role political and institutional power has played in the development and functioning of the Internet, together with the role of businesses, users and, more generally, civil society. x FOREWORD The third factor that makes this research particularly interesting is the language tools available to Negro that have allowed him to mine a range of particularly rich sources in Italian and English, as well as in Chinese. Being able to study the original documents from political and govern- ment institutions and Chinese-language scientific literature, all of which are largely untranslated into Western languages, and to be able to talk and interview important experts working in Chinese institutions, busi- nesses and research centers has provided Negro with a solid documen- tary and bibliographic base together with first-hand testimony and interpretations of the reality of the Internet in China. But there are many other elements of research highlighted in the book that are of great interest and reveal the complexity and importance of Internet activities in the world’s most populous country. I would like to mention least two. The development of the Internet in China has been characterized by a contradiction that is yet to be resolved. Since the second half of the 1990s, the Chinese government has allocated strong impetus to the technical and territorial development of the Internet, allowing it to play the principal role in the country’s economic growth. At the same time, it has had to deal with new forms of social communication and the free- dom of information that the Internet offers its users. As Internet pen- etration has spread within the Chinese population, as new forms of social communication and services have emerged, political institutions (the Party and Government) realized the risk inherent in the loosening of information and communication control and in a growing number of people coming to consider the Internet as a useful tool for freedom of expression, organization and criticism. In the book, the reader can follow the various attempts made by the Government to resolve this contradic- tion by adopting different forms of control (not always successful) and creating their own sources of information, sometimes “masked,” to take advantage of the Internet’s information potential. Those responsible for applying this rule are the operators of (private) telecommunications networks and the Internet service providers who must adopt the management and technical processes necessary to prevent the transmission of “any kind of illegal information.” The second aspect of particular interest is that despite the many attempts to rein in the Internet with rules that prevented loss of con- trol and avoided antagonizing political power and public institutions presented in the book, it points out how the Internet has favored the FOREWORD xi formation of a public opinion autonomous from public administration and political power. On a number of occasions, a large number of peo- ple, through the Internet, have been able to challenge (especially at a local level) behaviors considered unjust, illegal and contrary to the inter- ests of the citizens by public administrators and political exponents or to call for more information, comprehensive explanations and true rep- resentations of events that the political powers had an interest in mini- mizing or even concealing. The Internet has on several occasions been a major support in the mobilization of groups of citizens and the organiza- tion of public protests and rallies. Among the many aspects of great interest that are analyzed and inter- preted in Gianluigi Negro’s book worthy of mention is the conflict between the various public power centers for control of the Internet, the profiles of and role played by the largest Chinese private enterprises born and grown around the Internet and the Chinese prevalence in the use of mobile Internet, e-commerce and daily use of a wide range of applica- tions to organize their day-to-day life. In summary, this book, in analyzing the Internet phenomenon, speaks of the China phenomenon by highlighting many of the little or least known aspects that allow the reader to get an idea of China that’s less superficial and stereotyped than the one prevalent in today’s reality. This is not only useful but necessary considering the increasingly important role that China is also likely to play also in Europe. Lugano, Switzerland, Prof. Giuseppe Richeri July 2017 Hemeritus Professor Università della Svizzera italiana