UNIVERSITY :,,';'. Ot!: . . i TASMANIA LIBRARY The impact of psychological expert testimony in child sexual abuse cases The impact of psychological expert testimony in child sexual abuse cases by 1(.1,"1'1 Michael J. Crowley, B.A. (Hons.) in the Departmentof Psychology Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Clinical Psychology) University of Tasmania September, 1994 I certify that this thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any tertiary institution, and that to the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference is made in the text of the thesis. This thesis may be made available for loan. Copying of any part of this thesis is prohibited for two years from the date this statement was signed; after that time limited copying is permitted in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968. -~~--------- Signed ---~--~~---j~------ Date i i ABSTRACT While the admissibility of psychological expert testimony varies from one common law country to another, evidentiary analyses dealing with the impactof such testimony are invariably opinion-based and lack empirical support. Predictions from theoretical models of communication/persuasion processes suggest that psychological experttestimonyin childsexual abuse cases maybe given considerable weight by jurors, but the experimental literature investigating the impact of such testimony is scant. This thesis reports four experimentsdesigned to investigate the juridical impact of psychological expert testimony in a simulated child sexual abuse case, using gender-balanced juries throughout. In the first study, presence or absence of a psychologist's generalised testimony concerning children's cognitive abilities was varied across three ages of child victim/witness. Subjects viewing the expert testimony rated the child higher on memory ability, resistance to suggestion and reality monitoring ability and gave higher ratings of defendant guilt. In the second experiment, the sameexperttestimonywas presented by male and female experts in either an adversarial or nonadversarial role. Significant interaction effects indicated that, for the male expert only, ratings of the dependent variables were significantly lower in the adversarial role. The third experiment investigatedwhether expert testimonypresented before and after the child's testimony is differentially utilized. Ratings of the child-based variables and verdict ratingsdid notdiffer as a function of the sequenceof testimony, but regardless of temporal order, presence of expert testimony led to significantly higher child-based ratingsthan the absence of suchtestimony. iii In the fourth experiment, the differential impact of three types of expert testimony were studied; testimony concerning children's general cognitive abilities, testimony concerning characteristic behavioural reactions to sexual abuse, and testimony assessing the validity of the child's statement. The quality of the child's statement was varied, using content-based criteria. Subjects viewing the cognitive abilities testimony rated the child higher on memory, resistance to suggestion and reality monitoring, but there were no significant differences on verdicts by type of testimony. Those who viewed the child's enhancedstatement gave higher ratings of defendant guilt on the aggravated sexual assault charge. Results indicated greater acceptance but less scrutiny of nonadversarial expert testimony. In all four studies, the prime predictor of child credibility and verdict ratings were the jurors' perceptions of whether the child had misinterpreted the defendant's actions. Juror gender effects were also consistent in all studies, with females more likely to rate the child's credibility higher and to find the defendant guilty. In general, results indicated that psychological expert testimony which details research findings concerning children's cognitive abilities seems less likely to change verdicts than to increase the degree of certainty felt by those voting guilty, and may therefore serve to improve the juridical decision-making process. The impact of psychological expert testimony appears to vary with expert role when the psychologist is male. Changingthe order in which testimony is presented appears to have no significant impact on verdicts or jurors' perceptions of the child witness. The implications of the thesis findings for psychological theory and legal practice are discussed. iv Acknowledgements Foremost and heartfelt thanks go to my supervisors, Gemma O'Caliaghan and Peter Ball, for their advice and support and all aspects of their mentorship throughout these years. Thanksalso to lain Montgomerywho exhorted me to set foot on the doctoral path, and to all who assistedin myjourney along that road, including Kate Warner and Therese Henning from the Faculty of Law for their advice and assistance in preparing the trial transcripts, and Rick Snell, Emma Gunn, Trudy Witbreuk, Gaby Piscioneri, Patrick Ryle, Cindy Calvert, Les Fisher and Irene Fisher who portrayed the protagonists in the trial. While assurances of confidentiality prevent my naming them, I would like to express thanks to those parents who gave permission for their children to be interviewed and videotaped, and especiallyto the children themselves, and to Marie Louise Craske, the psychologist who interviewed them. My thanks also to the more than 600 subjects who have assisted by acting as mock jurors in these experiments. I am particularly indebted to them for the manifest seriousness with which they approached their task. A very special thanks to Brian Rieusset, Senior Technical Officer at the University of Tasmania for his invaluable assistance in videotaping the children's interviews and the mock trials, and for the many weeks of assistance he gave as we sat editing videotapes. I would like to thank Murray Levine and his colleagues at State University of New York, Buffalo, for providing the deliberation content analysis codebook which they used in their own studies and which I adapted for use with these trial scenarios. v Finally, I would like to thank my wife, Elizabeth, and my children, Ursula, Luke, Bede, Benedict and Lucy, who have supported me throughout the preparation, videotaping, editing, subject recruitment, data collection, data analysis, and writing up phases of this thesis, and havetolerated with good grace my frequent absenceor unavailability. vi Table of Contents Page ABSTRACT iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v TABLE OF CONTENTS vii LIST OF TABLES xii LIST OF FIGURES xv LIST OF APPENDICES xvii INTRODUCTION : 1 . Introduction 1 2. Evidentiaryanalysesof the scope and admissibilityof 5 psychological expert testimony with particular reference tochildsexualabusecases: A cross-national perspective 2.1 UnitedStatesofAmerica 6 2.2 UnitedKingdom 12 2.3 Europe 13 2.3.1 France 2.3.2 Germany 2.4 Australasia 15 3. Psychological experttestimonyin child sexual abuse cases 17 3.1 Psycho-legal treatment of the impact of psychological expert testimony 18 3.2 Rationale for generalisedtestimony on children's cognitive abilities 21 3.3 Empiricalstudiesof the impact of generalised psychological expert testimony 24 3.4 Roleof the psychologistexpert in a child sexual abusecase 25 3.5 Summary 29 vii 4. Jurors' reactions to child witnesses and expert witnesses 31 4.1 Empirical studies 32 4.2 Theoretical models 35 4.2.1 Hypotheses andmodelsformulated specifically to explain aspects of jurors' perceptionsof child witnesses. 35 4.2.2 Pertinent models and theories from social psychology to elucidate the likely interplay of childandexpertevidence. 37 4.2.3 Legal admonitions vs. legal reality: the juror as fact-finder or fact-interpreter. 40 4.2.4 Predictionsfrom social psychology concerning the relative impact of adversarial and non-adversarial expert testimony 42 4.3 Summary 43 5. Summary of introductory material; overview of thesis studies; methodological issuesandrationales. 45 5.1 Summary of introductory material 46 5.2 Overview of experimental studies in thesis 47 5.3 Methodological issuesand rationales 49 5.3.1 The useof videotapedtrial presentations rather than written transcripts or real life. 49 5.3.2 Rationale for the use of 6-person juries 51 5.3.3 Theneedforgenderbalancein research involvingsexual assault cases 52 5.3.4 The useof an ambiguoustrial as stimulus 53 5.3.5 Stimulus sampling 53 viii EXPERIMENTAL SECTION: 6. Experiment one: The juridical impact of psychological expert testimony concerning children's cognitive abilities 55 6.1 Introduction 56 6.2 Method 57 6.2.1 Subjects 57 6.2.2 Experimental design 58 6.2.3 Material 58 6.2.4 Procedure 65 6.3 Results 66 6.4 Content analysisof deliberations 74 6.5 Discussion 80 6.6 Methodological considerations from Experiment 1 82 6.6.1 Brief duration of the simulation relative to a real trial 83 6.6.2 Impartiality of the expert 83 6.6.3 Ecological validity of using undergraduate vs. community subjects 84 6.7 Summary and legal implications 86 7. Experimenttwo : The impact of adversarialversus non-adversarial expert testimony in a simulated childsexualabuse case 88 7.1 Introduction 89 7.2 Method 90 7.2.1 Subjects 90 7.2.2 Experimental design 91 7.2.3 Material 91 7.2.4 Procedure 92 7.3 Results 92 7.4 Content analysis of deliberations 104 7.5 Discussion 106 ix
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