The Hope of Europe

353 Pages·1921·8.538 MB·English

by  Philip Gibbs

THE HOPE OF EUROPE
BY
PHILIP GIBBS
Digitized by Original from
INTERNET ARCHIVE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFOR
THE fIOPE OF EUROPE
PHILIP GIBBS' HISTORY
OF THE WAR
1. THE BATTLES OF THE
SOMME
Crown 8vo, 6s. net
"Every word in these deeply interesting
despatches written on the field after days of
intense experience rings true ; every pen
picture etches in the valour and devotion of
the British Army."-Daily Tdq;rajh.
2. FROM BAPAUME TO
P ASSCHENDAELE
Cr. 8vo, 6s. net.
"The work of Mr. Philip Gibbs. frankly
contemporary as it is, deserves t o rank in
the literature of war with the most meticulous
of histories. • . . These passionate despatches
are classic."-Glasgow I Jerald.
3. OPEN WARF ARE
THE WAY TO VICTORY
Cr 8vo, 10s. 6d. net.
In this new book Mr, Philip Gibbs continues
his narrative of war from the time uf the ta kin.:.:
of Passchendaele to recent events. IL cnvcr s
the period when our break thr ouc h the Hind
enburg lines in the Carnbrai salient, followed
by the German counter-attack of November 30,
led to the end of the long phase of positional
warfare and the beginning of open warfare
and larger strategy.
4. THE SOUL OF THE WAR
Cr. 8vo, 3s. 6d. net.
"A living piece of literature, dignified, un
hysterical, and strong •.. likely to survive
as an historical document among the most
suggtestive and significant of its time. "-Daily
Tdc;;rajlt.
5. REALITIES OF WAR
Derny 8vo, 15s. net.
" As a warning of what will happen again,
surely, 'if a heritage of evil and of folly is not
cut out of the hearts of peoples.' It presents
the reality of modern warfare, and events des
cribed that were burnt into his very soul."
J'he Grapl1ic.
LONDON WILLIAI\I HEINEMANN
THE
HOPE OF EUROPE
BY
PHII~IP GIBBS
LONDON: WILLIAM HEINEMANN
LONDON: WILLIAM IIEINEMA!',N, 1921.
CONTENTS
CHAPTF.R P,\t,E
I. LEADERS OF THE OLD TRADITION 1
II. IDEALS OF THE HUMANISTS 42
III. THE TRUTH ABOUT IRELAND - 69
IV. THE UNITED STATES AND \VORLD PEACE 137
V. THE NEW GERMANY - 163
VI. THE \VARNING OF AUSTRIA - 204
VII. THE NEED OF THE SPIRIT 217
VIII. THE PRICE OF VICTORY IN FRANCE - - 2G4
IX. THE S0c1AL REVOLUTION IN ENGLISH LIFE - 28G
X. Tm: CHANCE OF Youru - 312

THE HOPE OF EUROPE
CHAPTER I
LEADERS OF THE OLD TRADITION
I.
Looxrxc back at the three years of history after tho
Armistice-three years of blundering, moral degradation
and reaction to the lowest traditions of national politics-the
most tolerant of minds examining into the causes of that evil
time must formulate a grave indictment against one company
of men. Arraigned before an honest jury of public opinion
they are a fairly small gang of notorious persons, politically
of doubtful character and shady antecedents. They are the
Leaders of Europe-the Old Gang, still for the most part in
command of the machinery of government.
These men in England, France, and Italy are those who
were playing the game of politics before the war, fighting for
place and power, taking their turn, now in now out, according
to the revolutions of the party wheels, but whether in or out,
belonging to the inner circle of that system which, under the
fair name of" representative government," arranges the fate
of peoples without their knowledge or consent, and by artful
appeals to popular passion and ignorance, by spell-words
and watchwords of fine sound and empty meaning, keeps
the mob obedient to their directing wills, even though it is
led to the shambles with the enticing cry of "Dilly, dilly,
come and be killed.''
It would be ridiculous now to re-examine all the psycho
logical and political causes of the European War. That
argument has been threshed out in millions and billions of
words, in White Papers, and Yellow Papers, and Red Papers;
and in spite of the publication of secret documents from the
1
2 THE HOPE OF EUROPE
Russian archives, and the papers of other Governments
revealing the sinister game of bluff and bluster, intrigue, and
conspiracy, between the old Courts of Europe, it is certain,
if anything in history is certain, that nothing will ever reverse
the verdict of Guilty given against the German military caste
for having planned, desired, and made the war. The German
bureaucracy and bourgeoisie share that guilt by criminal
consent, though the peasants and common folk must be
acquitted on the plea of ignorance, and their inability to
resist the poison of false propaganda administered to them
by their rulers and teachers. Let us leave it there-this
terrible verdict against which there is no Court of Appeal
except at the judgment scat of God.
But the statesmen of Europe, among the nations which
ranged themselves against the Germanic power, cannot be
acquitted of all guilt, though they pleaded a dove-like
innocence when the frightful challenge of war resounded
through Europe, and the armies moved to the fields of
massacre. They were guilty of maintaining, defending, and
intensifying the old regime of international rivalry with its
political structure resting entirely on armed force, and as
damnably guilty of hiding from their own peoples the
inevitability of the conflict which was approaching them
because of this grouping and manoeuvring of forces.
For many years before the war the conscience of people
without power in many countries had been stirred by the
spiritual idea of a closer brotherhood of man, united by the
common interests of labour and liberty. In France there
was a growing revolt against the burden of militarism. The
spirit of " La Revanche," any passion of desire to recapture
Alsace-Lorraine at the cost of millions of lives, had died
down, and almost out in the cold ashes of extinct fires. In
Germany the Social Democrats, quite sincerely despite their
betrayal afterwards, were anti-militarists, and the advocates
of international peace. In England the people were so
devoid of military ambition, so sure that war on the big scale
had been abandoned forever by the Great Powers of white
civilization, that even when it happened they were incredu
lous, and like the countryman who saw a giraffe for the first
time, said: " Hell ! ... I dou't believe it ! "