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Th e Haitian Declaration of Independence Jeff ersonian America JAN ELLEN LEWIS, PETER S. ONUF, AND ANDREW O’SHAUGHNESSY, EDITORS Th e Haitian Declaration of Independence Creation, Context, and Legacy EDITED BY JULIA GAFFIELD University of Virginia Press CHARLOTTESVILLE AND LONDON University of Virginia Press © 2016 by the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper First published 2016 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Haitian Declaration of Independence : creation, context, and legacy / edited by Julia Gaffi eld. pages cm.—(Jeff ersonian America) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8139-3787-8 (cloth : acid-free paper)—isbn 978-0-8139-3788-5 (e-book) 1. Haiti—History—Autonomy and independence movements. 2. Proclamations— Haiti—History and criticism. 3. Liberty—Political aspects—Haiti—History—19th century. 4. Dessalines, Jean-Jacques, 1758–1806. 5. Haiti—History—Revolution, 1791–1804. 6. Haiti—History—1804–1844. I. Gaffi eld, Julia. f1924.h22 2015 972.94(cid:2)04—dc23 2015008544 Publication of this volume has been supported by the Thomas Jeff erson Foundation. Contents Preface vii Acknowledgments xi Introduction: The Haitian Declaration of Independence in an Atlantic Context 1 DAVID ARMITAGE AND JULIA GAFFIELD PART I(cid:2)Writing the Declaration Haiti’s Declaration of Independence 25 DAVID GEGGUS “Victims of Our Own Credulity and Indulgence”: The Life of Louis Félix Boisrond- Tonnerre 42 JOHN GARRIGUS The Debate Surrounding the Printing of the Haitian Declaration of Independence: A Review of the Literature 58 PATRICK TARDIEU Living by Metaphor in the Haitian Declaration of Independence: Tigers and Cognitive Theory 72 DEBORAH JENSON PART II(cid:2)Haitian Independence and the Atlantic Law, Atlantic Revolutionary Exceptionalism, and the Haitian Declaration of Independence 95 MALICK W. GHACHEM vi(cid:2)CONTENTS Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Norbert Thoret, and the Violent Aftermath of the Haitian Declaration of Independence 115 JEREMY D. POPKIN Did Dessalines Plan to Export the Haitian Revolution? 136 PHILIPPE GIRARD PART III(cid:2)Th e Legacy of the Haitian Declaration of Independence “Outrages on the Laws of Nations”: American Merchants and Diplomacy after the Haitian Declaration of Independence 161 JULIA GAFFIELD The Sovereign People of Haiti during the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries 181 JEAN CASIMIR Thinking Haitian Independence in Haitian Vodou 201 LAURENT DUBOIS Revolutionary Commemorations: Jean-Jacques Dessalines and Haitian Independence Day, 1804–1904 219 ERIN ZAVITZ Appendix: The Haitian Declaration of Independence 239 Bibliography 249 Notes on Contributors 267 Index 269 Preface Index and middle fi nger crossed, the American political commentator Rachel Maddow informed viewers of her April 1, 2010, MSNBC primetime show, “us and Haiti, we’re like this. We always have been.” At fi rst glance, this may seem like a throwaway comment worthy of a raised eyebrow; in fact, Maddow’s reference to the interconnected histories of Haiti and the United States refl ects a transformation in the fi eld of Atlantic history.¹ Scholars rec- ognize the American, French, and Haitian Revolutions as part of a broader set of changes occurring across the Atlantic World. This historiographical shift could be seen most explicitly in a recent ex- hibition at the New-York Historical Society, Revolution! The Atlantic World Reborn (November 11, 2011–April 15, 2012), which focused on the material and symbolic connections between the three revolutions. At this exhibition, the Haitian Declaration of Independence was put on display for the fi rst time. The newly independent Haitian government printed this document less than three weeks after Jean-Jacques Dessalines delivered its text as a speech on January 1, 1804. The printed version was to be distributed to the powers of the Atlantic World. “And then, in a very sad twist of fate,” Maddow reported, “every known copy of it disappeared. For the next two hundred years, the Haitian Declaration of Independence was reprinted in newspapers and in handwritten duplicates. But the actual document itself, the actual, original eight-page pamphlet, the physical representation of Haitian independence was lost.” In February 2010, I discovered one of the original government-printed versions of the declaration in the Jamaican records at The National Archives of the United Kingdom in London. At the time, I thought this to be the only extant copy. Just over a year later, however, I discovered another printed copy in the Admiralty records of the same archives. This time the declaration was printed as a broadside. These documents are the only known remaining offi - cial copies of the Haitian Declaration of Independence. The text of the docu- viii(cid:2)PREFACE ment was well known, but a signed manuscript original or an offi cial printed copy did not exist in Haiti or elsewhere, historians believed. The presence of the documents in London tells a story of international communication in the early months of Haiti’s independence. The procla- mation announced to the nations and empires of the Atlantic World that the territory was no longer under French authority; instead, the new “Haytian” government ruled it. Haitians leaders knew that independence from France could only be complete if foreign governments recognized and supported the new nation. The document circulated around the Atlantic, and portions of it were re- printed in newspapers in cities like Philadelphia and London, and even as far away as Bombay. The international reception of this document, however, was mixed. Some readers were sympathetic and saw Haitian independence as the justifi able reaction to French cruelties. Others, however, were terrifi ed by the implications that this success might mean for their own nation’s col- onies and personal property. Would the Revolution spread? was the question on everyone’s mind. Several weeks before I discovered the document, a magnitude 7.0 earth- quake devastated Port-au-Prince and the surrounding area. The world’s at- tention was on Haiti, as it often is when that nation is in crisis. Media outlets around the world, like the Rachel Maddow Show, published digital copies of the Haitian Declaration of Independence, marking the fi rst time many peo- ple read or saw the document. They responded with interest and intrigue— and sometimes with hostility. Much of the hostility came from readers who compared the Haitian document against its American equivalent; the Hai- tian Declaration of Independence is a call to arms that expresses hatred and eternal vengeance toward the French. Many commenters also wanted to see the roots of Haiti’s contemporary problems in its founding document, par- ticularly in the context of American televangelist Pat Robertson’s claim that Haitians had “sworn a pact with the devil.”² Haiti was one of the fi rst countries in the world to issue a declaration of independence after the United States. The American Declaration of Indepen- dence, David Armitage writes, “provided the model for similar documents around the world that asserted the independence of other new states.”³ In- deed, when the revolutionary forces in the French colony of Saint-Domingue defeated Napoléon’s troops, they followed the United States’ lead in proclaim- ing their determination to “live free or die”—choosing the words “liberté ou la mort” for the state letterhead and the title of their Acte de l’Indépendance. However, while the Haitian leaders drew distantly on Jeff erson’s document for inspiration—an earlier draft of the declaration based on his original had PREFACE(cid:2)ix been rejected as too tame for the task—they tailored their own words to the circumstances at hand. Thus, the two documents are distinctly diff erent yet clearly connected in motivation, meaning, and genre. As part of its Revolution! exhibit, the New-York Historical Society put the Haitian Declaration of Independence on display along with the Stamp Act (1765), John Greenwood’s Sea Captains Carousing in Surinam (1752–1758), Thomas Clarkson’s “African Box,” and other documents, paintings, and ob- jects that symbolized the interconnected Age of Revolution. In conjunction with the exhibit, the society hosted a symposium entitled, “The Age of Rev- olution: A Whole History,” on January 21, 2012. The goal of this symposium was to better understand the unique characteristics of each revolution as well as the common threads that wove them together. During this conference, I had the good fortune of meeting historian David Armitage, and during our conversation he inspired and encouraged me to pursue a collaborative study of the Haitian Declaration of Independence. With this in mind, on March 7–8, 2013, the Robert H. Smith Interna- tional Center for Jeff erson Studies (ICJS), under the direction of Andrew O’Shaughnessy, sponsored and hosted the conference “The Haitian Decla- ration of Independence in an Atlantic Context.” The ICJS seeks to support the study of Thomas Jeff erson and his legacy through interdisciplinary and innovative research. While the US Declaration of Independence was the fi rst of its kind, the Haitian document helped to confi rm it as a genre; the Hai- tian Declaration of Independence, therefore, is a crucial part of the legacy of the American document. The eff orts of the ICJS to expand the scope of its research beyond continental early America refl ects a series of historiograph- ical interventions that highlight the interconnectedness of the early modern Atlantic World, particularly during the Age of Revolution. Scholars have also begun to situate Haiti at the center of the Age of Revolution and to look beyond its revolution in order to appreciate the context, character, and devel- opment of Haiti as an independent nation. The essays in this volume are by leading scholars in the fi eld and aim to provide a better understanding of the internal and external infl uences that shaped the world’s second successful declaration of independence. How tightly and in what ways was the Haitian Declaration of Independence in- tertwined with its American predecessor? What shared aspects of the Age of Revolution were articulated in the Haitian document? What distinctive features were added and what elements were omitted? And how can a focus on these documents provide a point of entry for a discussion about the larger questions of meaning and signifi cance in the Atlantic revolutions? As the product of the only successful slave revolution in the world, the Haitian Dec-

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