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The Great Eurozone Disaster : From Crisis to Global New Deal PDF

286 Pages·2013·2.588 MB·English
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economic controversies Innovative and thought-provoking, the Economic Controversies series strips back the often impenetrable facade of economic jargon to present bold new ways of looking at pressing issues, while explaining the hidden mechanics behind them. Concise and accessible, the books bring a fresh, unorthodox approach to a variety of controversial subjects. Also available in the Economic Controversies series: Yanis Varoufakis, The Global Minotaur: America, Europe and the Future of the World Economy Robert R. Locke and J.-C. Spender, Confronting Managerialism: How the Business Elite and Their Schools Threw Our Lives Out of Balance Lorenzo Fioramonti, Gross Domestic Problem: The Politics Behind the World’s Most Powerful Number about the author Heikki Patomäki is Professor of World Politics at the University of Helsinki, Finland. Previously he has also worked as a Professor of World Politics and Economy at Nottingham Trent University, UK, and RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. In 2012 he was a Visiting Professor at the Ritsumeikan University in Kyoto, Japan. Patomäki’s research interests include philosophy and methodology of social sciences, peace research, futures studies, economic theory, global political economy, and global political theory. His most recent book is The Political Economy of Global Security. War, Future Crises and Changes in Global Governance (Routledge, 2008). He is currently working on two new books, Unprincipled Economics (with Jamie Morgan) and Global Futures. Patomäki is a founding member of Network Institute for Global Democratization (NIGD) and has also been an activist in the international ATTAC movement from its inception, and is cur- rently chairing ATTAC Finland. THE GREAT EURozoNE DISASTER From Crisis to Global New Deal heikki patomäki Translated by James O’Connor zed Books london | new york The Great Eurozone Disaster: From Crisis to Global New Deal was first published in English in 2013 by zed Books Ltd, 7 Cynthia Street, London n1 9jf, uk and Room 400, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, ny 10010, usa originally published in Finnish in 2012 under the title Eurokriisin anatomia. Mitä globalisaation jälkeen? by Into kustannus www.zedbooks.co.uk Copyright © Heikki Patomäki, 2012 English language translation © James o’Connor, 2013 The right of Heikki Patomäki to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988 Designed and typeset in Monotype Bulmer by illuminati, Grosmont Index by John Barker Cover design: www.roguefour.co.uk All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of zed Books Ltd. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data available isbn 978 1 78032 480 7 Contents preface vii 1 Introduction 1 2 The economic theory of debt crises 13 3 The predictability of global financial turmoil 28 4 Contradictions at the heart of the EMU 57 5 The trouble with the EU’s official reform proposals 82 6 European futures 104 7 How should debt crises be resolved? 133 8 Towards democratic global Keynesianism 164 glossary of key terms and acronyms 194 notes 207 bibliography 251 index 268 Preface The European Community aimed from the start to contribute to global economic liberalization. By the time of the arrival of the euro, this project had achieved a single market within the EU and continued to foster globalization outside it. But this kind of globalization comes at a cost. As Dani Rodrik argues in The Globalization Paradox,1 global markets, sovereign states and democracy can’t coexist. one option is to constrain de- mocracy to earn ‘market confidence’ and attract trade and capital inflows. This has been the main response of the EU leaders to the euro crisis, itself a second phase in the global financial crisis that began in 2007–08. The second option is to limit globalization – possibly also European economic integration – in the hope of building democratic legitimacy at home. As I discuss in Chapter 5 of this book, the European Commission has proposed measures that amount to tiny steps in this direction (while, of course, leaving market freedoms intact within the Union). The third option is to globalize democracy, or at least Euro- peanize it, at the cost of national sovereignty. This has not been considered by the current EU leaders, and is deemed impossible by Rodrik: ‘Real federalism on a global scale is at best a century viii the great eurozone disaster away.’ The development of the EU, including persistent discontent about its democratic deficit, highlights the inherent difficulties of this project. But Rodrik acknowledges the attractions of demo- cratic global governance: ‘When I ask my students to pick one of the options, this one wins hands-down. If we can simultaneously reap the benefits of globalization and democracy, who cares that national politicians will be out of a job?’2 I argue in this book that there are several economic problems (which also arise within Rodrik’s ‘smart’ or limited globalization framework) that can only be tackled with global Keynesian mechanisms and institutions. To be legitimate, these mechanisms and institutions must be democratic. At the same time, it is possible to design global governance so as to limit also economic globalization and strengthen state autonomy in certain ways. The EU itself may be in the process of becoming a federal state – that is, one state among others. My point is that mere nostalgia for the Bretton Woods–GATT regime that lasted until the 1970s and 1980s is without merit. The dialectics of world history continue to move on. There were real reasons why the original Bretton Woods system broke down. Had John Maynard Keynes’s more ambitious plans been realized in the 1940s, the post-war system would probably have lasted longer. And yet by the 1990s, or early 2000s at the latest, it would have eroded. A feasible twenty-first-century system of global governance should be more abstract and generalizable as well as more change- able and open to revision than Keynes’s 1940s’ vision. Through- out the book I emphasize the need for global Keynesianism to be not only democratic but also environmentally responsible. No universal consensus is needed for its realization. A coalition of the willing can establish any new system of global governance. I am grateful to several people for their contribution to this book. originally it was supposed to be a short report in Finnish preface ix for a non-specialized domestic readership, co-authored with Jussi Ahokas, Lauri Holappa and Ville-Pekka Sorsa. For practical reasons the text evolved into a single-authored monograph. Its origin explains why it was written in Finnish. The first edition was published by Into Publishers in Helsinki in February 2012. Mika Rönkkö’s role was crucial in allowing the speedy and professional finalization of the text. In addition, several people read and commented on the manuscript or parts of it, including Jussi Ahokas, Tuomas Forsberg, Lauri Holappa, Pekka Sauramo, Katarina Sehm-Patomäki, Ville-Pekka Sorsa and Teivo Teivainen. James O’Connor translated the text into English, in close cooperation with me, and also proposed a number of small improvements. I am grateful to Zed Books, and to Ken Barlow in particular, for so swiftly processing the proposal for this book. I also gratefully acknowledge the financial assistance of FILI (Finnish Literature Exchange). This book is dedicated to all those for whom ‘the Earth is our home’. Heikki Patomäki Helsinki, August 2012

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