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The good life : aspiration, dignity, and the anthropology of wellbeing PDF

278 Pages·2014·13.83 MB·English
by  Fischer
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the good life edward f. fischer The Good Life Aspiration, Dignity, and the Anthropology of Wellbeing stanford university press stanford, california Stanford University Press Stanford, California ©2014 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system without the prior written permis- sion of Stanford University Press. Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fischer, Edward F., 1966- author. The good life : aspiration, dignity, and the anthropology of wellbeing / Edward F. Fischer. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 978-0-8047-9096-3 (cloth : alk. paper) — isbn 978-0-8047-9253-0 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Well-being—Cross-cultural studies. 2. Quality of life—Cross-cultural studies. 3. Economic anthropology—Cross-cultural studies. I. Title. hn25.f57 2014 306—dc23 isbn 978-0-8047-9261-5 (electronic) Typeset by Bruce Lundquist in 10/14 Janson For Mareike, Johannes, and Rebecca Contents Preface ix Introduction: The Good Life: Values, Markets, and Wellbeing 1 part i: german eggs, cars, and values 1. Values and Prices: The Case of German Eggs 23 2. Word, Deed, and Preferences 43 3. Moral Provenance and Larger Purposes 67 4. Solidarity, Dignity, and Opportunity 91 part ii: guatemalan coffee, cocaine, and capabilities 5. Provenance and Values: The Case of Guatemalan Coffee 113 6. Agency, Opportunity, and Frustrated Freedom 143 7. Experiments in Fairness and Dignity 161 8. Narco-Violence, Security, and Development 181 Conclusion: The Good Life and Positive Anthropology 201 Notes 219 Works Cited 229 Index 253 Plates, Figures and Tables 259 Acknowledgments 261 Preface The genesis of this project, as with so many ethnographic endeavors, began with a chance encounter: in this instance, a reproachful look from the owner of a small cinema. I was in Hamburg with my family over the Christmas holidays, and my 7-year-old son desperately wanted to go see the recently released Harry Potter movie. We had come to Germany to visit family but also to take a breather from the frenetic commercial pace of stateside holi- days. Still, Johannes had cheerfully attended all of the gemütliche feasts and gatherings, and so we felt that we could hardly deny him such a simple, easy pleasure. Thus, on the zweiten Weihnachtstag (the second day of Christmas, December 26, a public holiday), we looked up the schedule in the news paper and discovered that a neighborhood cinema had a showing at 5:30 that eve- ning. With good German punctuality, and led by my good German wife, we arrived a few minutes after 5:00, only to find a long line already stretching from the ticket window. We took our place at the end of the queue and ar- rived at the window just in time to buy three of the four remaining tickets, much to the dismay of the family behind us.* As the woman counted our * The little cinema neatly captures some stereotypical German traits: an usher takes one to assigned seats; there is a shelf for drinks and snacks; of course, beer is sold at the concession stand. The Harry Potter movie was subtitled, although most foreign fare on television and at the movies is dubbed, and the German dubbing industry is re- nowned. Some dubbing voice performers have become wellknown celebrities in their own right, complete with fan clubs. The dubbers work to make the German fit the mouth movements of the English or Swedish or Russian or whatever language is being spoken. A long way from the kung fu movies I watched as a kid, it is difficult to tell that the best German work is dubbed at all—you look closely to catch the occasional gap between what you see and what you hear. It is a minor point of national pride. ix

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What could middle-class German supermarket shoppers buying eggs and impoverished coffee farmers in Guatemala possibly have in common? Both groups use the market in pursuit of the "good life." But what exactly is the good life? How do we define wellbeing beyond material standards of living? While we
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