The Germ of Laziness THE GERM OF LAZINESS Rockefeller Philanthropy and Public Health in the New South John Ettling Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England 1981 Copyright © 1981 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Ettling, John, 1944- The germ of laziness. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Hookworm disease—Southern States-Prevention-History - 20th century. 2. Rockefeller Sanitary Commission for the Eradica- tion of Hookworm Disease — History. 3. Public health— Southern States — History — 20th century. I. Title. RA644.H65E88 362.Γ969654 81-4174 ISBN 0-674-34990-3 AACR2 For my parents, Albert J. Ettling Emily Tucker Ettling Preface In 1909, with the progressive movement at flood tide, John D. Rockefeller, himself the object of so much reformist wrath, an- nounced the creation of a comparatively modest and short-lived organization to confront a disease few people had heard of. Launched with a $1 million grant, the Rockefeller Sanitary Com- mission for the Eradication of Hookworm Disease was certainly not Rockefeller's first or his largest philanthropic enterprise. Measured against the impressive dimensions of the University of Chicago or the General Education Board, the Sanitary Commis- sion was puny indeed. And unlike Rockefeller's loftier benefac- tions, the Sanitary Commission was never intended to endure. In fact, after a five-year campaign in eleven Southern states, the Sanitary Commission passed out of existence, its remaining ob- jectives and unexpended funds assimilated into the more recently created and much more ambitious Rockefeller Foundation. In view of its limited scope and duration, why go to such lengths to study the Sanitary Commission? In the first place, its creation in 1909 marks the convergence of two separate tributaries of American philanthropy: scientific medicine and public education. Each had benefited from Rockefeller's and other men's benevolence in the past. But the special imperatives of the campaign against hookworm disease brought about a marriage of the two, required by the nature of hookworm disease and the fact that so few people in the early twentieth century knew of its ex- istence. The Sanitary Commission also contributed more to the growth of the American public health movement and to the im- provement of the quality of life in the rural South than its small endowment and brief tenure might at first glance imply. In the course of its five-year life, the Sanitary Commission awakened Southerners to the widespread presence and detrimental impact viii Preface of this disease in their midst; it underwrote the first important steps toward amelioration; it energized the moribund Southern state boards of health; and it served as the immediate prototype for the far more extensive early overseas work of the Rockefeller Foundation. The story of the Commission unfolds against the larger back- drop of American reform in the early twentieth century. It is a compelling story in its own right, self-contained, with an unusual degree of dramatic unity. Scaled down without distortion to fit the proportions of the Sanitary Commission and crowded into this little diorama of scenes from Southern country life is a minia- ture Augean stable of progressive chores. Within the context of the hookworm campaign, in large part because its goals were so limited and sharply defined, it is possible to consider one unified set of working solutions to problems that bedeviled other, more far-flung reformers in different fields. In order to carry out its assignments, the Sanitary Commission had to forge ad hoc rela- tionships between North and South, between city and country- side, between private wealth and public agencies, between the ex- pert and the mass of ordinary citizens. A small but strategically important bivouac on the march toward the conquest of dread disease and a laboratory for pro- gressive era experimentation: were the Sanitary Commission nothing more than this it might still command the attention of scholars. But a study of the Sanitary Commission's personnel and institutional predecessors also reveals oddly shaped pieces that seem to fit larger historical puzzles. These pieces make little sense unless one examines the lives of the men who ran the Com- mission. No one connected with the Commission sprang to life in 1909, fully grown and fully armed to do battle with the hook- worm. Led by Frederick T. Gates, the architect of Rockefeller's early charitable programs, the handful of men who financed, or- ganized, and directed the daily activities of the Sanitary Commis- sion came to their tasks long after they had already become well established in their respective fields. A scientist, a plutocrat, a former minister, a professor of philosophy, a journalist: collec- tively they brought a wealth of diverse experience to bear on their mutual enterprise. Their careers had traced separate arcs before converging on the Sanitary Commission, but years earlier those careers had departed from a common point. All of the principal actors in the story of the Sanitary Commission had grown up on farms or in small towns. Evangelical religion had been the domi- nant shaping force in their early lives. Most of them sincerely be- Preface ix lieved that they had shed the religious superstitions of their childhoods somewhere along the way toward becoming twen- tieth-century men of affairs—professionals, city-dwellers, and reformers. Still, the evangelical habits of mind remained with them in ways which they themselves could not see, but which nevertheless caused them to act in accordance with patterns that become clear in retrospect. Their agenda for reform may have re- flected their acquired enthusiasm for the insights of scientific medicine and the goals of the public health movement. Yet their emotional response to the world of the early twentieth century - a world they hoped in part of transform by the scrupulous applica- tion of scientific principles - was decidedly evangelical. In his book The New England Mind: From Colony to Province, Perry Miller wrote of Cotton Mather's "curious way of backing in- to modernity." Like Gates two centuries later, Mather had been confronted with the problem of reconciling to his own satisfaction the "philosophical and evangelical." "Yet the charting of [Mather's] crablike progress," Miller decided, "is one of the best methods for understanding how a middle-class, empirical, enter- prising society could emerge out of an aristocratic, teleological order." By the same token, the Sanitary Commission, created and administered by Gates and his colleagues, can be seen as a kind of halfway house between the evangelical, individualistic, small- town worlds of their childhoods and our own urban, scientific, bureaucratic age - some of whose familiar features they, as early directors of the Rockefeller Foundation, had a hand in shaping. Grants from the Charles Warren Center for Studies in Ameri- can History, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Houston Research Initiation Grant Program have enabled me to meet expenses that arose in the course of my research and writing. I wish to thank Joseph W. Ernst, director, and J. William Hess, associate director, of the Rockefeller Archive Center. They and the members of their staff were of inestimable assistance on my visits to New York City and Pocantico Hills. For their guid- ance through the collections under their supervision, I am also in- debted to the staffs of the Alderman Library at the University of Virginia, Widener and Houghton Libraries at Harvard Univer- sity, Countway Library at the Harvard Medical School, the New York Public Library, Anderson Library at the University of Houston, Fondren Library at Rice University, and the Texas Medical Center Library. χ Preface Quotations from Frederick Taylor Gates's autobiography, Chapters in My Life, are reprinted with permission of Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc. This study has been enriched by the contributions of teachers, colleagues, and friends. My greatest obligation is to Donald Fleming, whose gracious but unwavering insistence on precision of thought and elegance of expression has guided my work at every point in the preparation of the manuscript. Paul M. Gaston assisted my initial attempts to make sense of the material. After reading a very early draft, Eric L. McKitrick encouraged me to believe the subject worth pursuing in greater depth. John L. Thomas commented on the first two chapters, and Walter Jack- son spotted mistakes in a draft of chapter four. The perceptive observations of David Herbert Donald prompted me to address weaknesses in an early draft of the book. John Z. Bowers brought his extensive knowledge of the early Rockefeller medical philan- thropies to bear on a thorough reading of the manuscript in its en- tirety. A timely suggestion from T. H. Breen led me to consider more carefully my assumptions about the audience for which the study is intended. Robert H. Wiebe rescued me from argumenta- tive inconsistencies and sharpened my understanding of the re- cent literature on progressive reform. The Harvard University Press ensured that the manuscript was given a scrupulous critical review, which brought forth several astute recommenda- tions that I have gratefully incorporated into the final version. Aida D. Donald and Anita Safran skillfully directed the prepara- tion of the manuscript for press. To acknowledge that Jennifer Ettling has been my closest col- laborator in the production of this book should not implicate her in its errors and infelicities, which are mine alone. J.E. Houston, Texas