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ASIAN CHRISTIANITY IN THE DIASPORA THE GENDERED POLITICS OF THE KOREAN PROTESTANT RIGHT Hegemonic Masculinity NAMI KIM Asian Christianity in the Diaspora Series Editors Grace   Ji-Sun Kim Earlham School of Religion Richmond , Indiana , USA Joseph   Cheah University of Saint Joseph West Hartford ,   Connecticut, USA Aim of the Series Asian American theology is still at its nascent stage. It began in the 1980’s with just a handful of scholars who were recent immigrants to the United States. Now with the rise in Asian American population and the rise of Asian American theologians, this new community is an ever-i mportant voice within theological discourse and Asian American cultural studies. This new series seeks to bring to the forefront some of the important, provocative new voices within Asian American Theology. The series aims to provide Asian American theological responses to the complex process of migration and resettlement process of Asian immigrants and refugees. We will address theoretical works on the meaning of diaspora, exile, and social memory, and the foundational works concerning the ways in which displaced communities remember and narrate their experiences. Such an interdisciplinary approach entails intersectional analysis between Asian American contextual theology and one other factor; be it sexuality, gen- der, race/ethnicity, and/or cultural studies. This series also addresses Christianity from Asian perspectives. We welcome manuscripts that exam- ine the identity and internal coherence of the Christian faith in its encoun- ters with different Asian cultures, with Asian people, the majority of whom are poor, and with non-Christian religions that predominate the landscape of the Asian continent. Palgrave is embarking on a transformation of dis- course within Asian and Asian American theological scholarship as this will be the fi rst of its kind. As we live in a global world in which Christianity has re-centered itself in the Global South and among the racialized minor- ities in the United States, it behooves us to listen to the rich, diverse and engaging voices of Asian and Asian American theologians. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14781 Nami   Kim The Gendered Politics of the Korean Protestant Right Hegemonic Masculinity Nami   Kim Spelman College Atlanta, Georgia , USA Asian Christianity in the Diaspora ISBN 978-3-319-39977-5 ISBN 978-3-319-39978-2 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-39978-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016948428 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2 016 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Cover image © ZUMA Press, Inc. / Alamy Stock Photo Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland C ONTENTS 1 The Resurgence of the Protestant Right in the  Post-Hypermasculine Developmentalism Era 1 2 “When Father Is Restored, Family Can Be Reestablished”: Father School 41 3 “Homosexuality Is a Threat to Our Family and  the Nation”: Anti-LGBT Movement 81 4 “Saving Korean Women from (Im)migrant Muslim Men”: Islamophobia 115 Epilogue 151 Bibliography 155 Index 179 v A CKNOWLEDGMENTS Chapters 3 and 4 in their formative stages I presented at the Third Era Christianity Institute in Korea in 2013 and 2015, respectively. I am deeply grateful to Reverend Jin Ho Kim for inviting me to present my work despite a threat to cancel my talk on the Protestant Right’s anti- LGBT movement. Sang-tae Ahn and Yong-taek Jeong, researchers at the Institute, also provided me support, critical questions, and feedback that I appreciate. I am also thankful to the attentive audience who came to my presentations and asked thought-provoking questions. I am indebted to LGBT human rights activists and allies who, despite bigotry, discrimina- tion, and injustice toward them, continue to struggle to bring a better world. I want to thank the Asian Theological Summer Institute 2014 for pro- viding me an opportunity to present my work. I also want to acknowledge the panelists, respondents, and audience at the session organized by the Korean Religions Group at the American Academy of Religion in 2014, in which I received feedback and questions that signifi cantly affected the outcome of this book. My thanks also go to PANAAWTM mentors and sisters who have encouraged me to continue the work I do. I want to acknowledge my colleagues who serve on the LGBTQ Curriculum Committee at Spelman College—Angelino Viceisza, Beverly Guy-Sheftall, Cynthia Spence, Erica Williams, Holly Smith, Kimberly Jackson, M.  Bahati Kuumba, Marisela Mancia, Mona Phillips, Opal Moore, and Rosetta Ross. Their commitment to bring positive changes to the College community through the curricular changes in relation to vii viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS gender and sexual justice has inspired and sustained me as I was writing this book. I thank the editor and publisher for permission to revise and republish Chap. 2 that was written in Korean and fi rst published in The Independent Critic Journal, W ord and Bow , Vol. 7 (February/March 2015). My heartfelt thanks are to the series editors, Grace Ji-sun Kim and Joseph Cheah, whose support has been invaluable. I am thankful to a great team of experts at Palgrave Macmillan. I want to thank Phil Getz, editor at Palgrave Macmillan. I am also grateful to Alexis Nelson at Palgrave Macmillan who has enthusiastically and patiently assisted me throughout the production process. I am grateful to my partner, David Daesoo Kim, for his love, steadfast support, encouragement, and humor that have sustained me in all that I do. If my mother fi nds out about this book, she will try to learn English to read it. I do not want her to do that, but my deepest gratitude is to her. I : F S , NTRODUCTION ATHER CHOOL A - LGBT M , I NTI OVEMENT AND SLAMOPHOBIA INTRODUCTION On November 30, 2014, the Seoul metropolitan government dropped its plan to enact a human rights charter that was originally scheduled to be declared on World Human Rights Day, December 10, 2014. Faced by the Protestant Right’s vehement opposition to adopting a municipal charter that is inclusive of LGBT 1 (lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgen- der persons) rights, the Seoul government decided not to promulgate the human rights charter that could have banned discrimination against sexual minorities and other forms of discrimination. The human rights charter was drafted by 150 Seoul citizens in addition to 30 advisors. The LGBT human rights activists and allies staged six-day sit-in protests at Seoul City Hall demanding that the charter be declared and that Won-soon Park, Seoul Mayor and former human rights lawyer, apologize for indefi nitely postponing the proclamation of the charter. Park was criticized for apol- ogizing only to the Protestant Right pastors for “creating more social confl icts.”2 Whether one wants to admit it or not, the Protestant Right, a subset of Korean Protestant Christianity that combines conservative evangeli- cal/fundamentalist theology with social and political conservatism, 3 is a unifi ed social and political force that cannot be underestimated largely for its organized political and social actions with enormous resources. Although the Protestant Right has been the subject of grave concerns and even ridicule among concerned Christians and non-Christians alike because of its insidious rhetorics, divisive stance, and aggressive actions ix x INTRODUCTION: FATHER SCHOOL, ANTI- LGBT MOVEMENT... on varied social and political issues, it is, nonetheless, diffi cult to dismiss or ignore its presence and infl uence. This diffi culty has mostly to do with its collective power, networks, and resources that can be mobilized for the purpose of achieving its desired outcomes regarding important soci- etal matters. Its often harmful actions and discourses need to be critically examined rather than dismissed primarily because of their actual material effects on people whose lives have already been marginalized, discrimi- nated, and neglected in society. Those who have become the Protestant Right’s “targets,” whether directly or not, will have to bear the brunt of its destructive theo-political rhetorics and actions. Included among them are sexual minorities, gender-non-conforming people, and racial and religious minorities such as (im)migrant Muslims and their families. Moreover, like other contemporary religious fundamentalist movements, the Protestant Right poses serious challenges to the efforts to achieve gender and sex- ual justice in Korean society, as well as in Korean diasporic communities where conservative immigrant Korean churches have maintained transna- tional connections with the Protestant Right organizations and churches in South Korea. As researchers who have studied the Religious Right in the USA argue, what is broadly called the Religious Right, often used interchangeably with the Christian Right, 4 does not simply refer to Christians who “hap- pen to be conservative in their politics.” Rather, as “a coherent movement with identifi able leaders, objectives and infl uence,” the US Religious Right is comprised of religious and political leaders and groups and “mobilizes adherents to action on issues that relate to their fundamental values.” 5 Similarly, the Protestant Right in this study also refers to a constellation of conservative Protestant churches, pastors, political leaders and groups, and Christian organizations that have formed a movement in advancing its conservative theo-political and social agendas. Needless to say there are Christians who self-identify as evangelical Christians and do not necessarily agree with the Protestant Right’s agenda. There is also a growing number of Protestant Christians and churches, mostly small-sized, who disagree with and even oppose the Protestant Right’s aggressive agenda. Certainly, not all individual congregants of the churches that are part of the Protestant Right network agree on every activity of the Protestant Right, either. Korean scholar Dae-young Ryu also distinguishes politically liberal evangelicals from what he calls the “evan- gelical Right.”6 The focus of this book is not individual Christians who may have actively participated in the Protestant Right activities or who

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