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The Freedmen's Bureau and Reconstruction: Essays on an Institution and Its Failures PDF

398 Pages·1999·37.611 MB·English
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The Freedmen's Bureau and Reconstruction RECONSTRUCTING AMERICA Paul Cimbala, series editor 1. Hans L. Trefousse, Impeachment of a President: Andrew Johnson, the Blacks, and Reconstruction. 2. Richard Paul Fuke, Imperfect Equality: African Americans and the Confines of White Ideology in Post-Emancipation Maryland. 3. Ruth Currie-McDaniel, Carpetbagger of Conscience: A Biography of John Emory Bryant. The Freedmen's Bureau and Reconstruction RECONSIDERATIONS edited by PAULA. CIMBALA and RANDALL M. MILLER Fordham University Press New York Copyright© 1999 by Fordham University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means--electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording, or any other--except for brief quotations in printed reviews, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN 0-8232-1934-8 (hardcover) ISBN 0-8232-1935-6 (paperback) ISSN 1523-4606 Reconstructing America, no. 4 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Freedmen's Bureau and Reconstruction I [edited by] Paul A. Cimbala and Randall M. Miller.-1st ed. p. em.-(Reconstructing America; no. 4) Includes index. ISBN 0-8232-1934-8 (hardcover).-ISBN 0-8232-1935-6 (pbk.) 1. United States. Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands. 2. United States-Politics and government-1865-1877. 3. Reconstruction-Southern States. 4. Freedmen-Southern States. 5. Southern States-History-1865-1877. 6. Mro-Americans -History-1863-1877. 7. Southern States-Race relations. I. Cimbala, Paul A. (Paul Allan), 1951- . II. Miller, Randall M. III. Series: Reconstructing America (Series) ; no. 4. E185.2.F858 1999 975'.041-dc21 99-34974 CIP 06 5 4 3 Printed in the United States of America First Edition To the Memory of Samuel E. Day (1834-1925), who saw the war as a beginning and went north to a new life.-R.M.M and To the Memory of George Cimbala (1874-1924), who found opportunity in a reunited nation.-P.A.C. CONTENTS Preface IX Introduction. The Freedmen's Bureau and Reconstruction: An Overview Xlll Randall M Miller 1 Ulysses S. Grant and the Freedmen's Bureau 1 Brooks D. Simpson 2 Andrew Johnson and the Freedmen's Bureau 29 Hans L. Trefousse 3 Emancipation and Military Pacification: The Freedmen's Bureau and Social Control in Alabama 46 Michael W. Fitzgerald 4 "One of the Most Appreciated Labors of the Bureau": The Freedmen's Bureau and the Southern Homestead Act 67 Michael L. Lanza 5 The Personnel of the Freedmen's Bureau in Arkansas 93 Randy Finley 6 Architects of a Benevolent Empire: The Relationship between the American Missionary Association and the Freedmen's Bureau in Virginia, 1865-1872 119 E. Allen Richardson 7 "Une Chimere": The Freedmen's Bureau in Creole New Orleans 140 Caryn Gosse Bell 8 "Because They Are Women": Gender and the Virginia Freedmen's Bureau's "War on Dependency" 161 Mary J. Farmer Vlll CONTENTS 9 The Freedmen's Bureau and Wage Labor in the Louisiana Sugar Region 193 John C. Rodrigue 10 "A Full-Fledged Government of Men": Freedmen's Bureau Labor Policy in South Carolina, 1865-1868 219 James D. Schmidt 11 "To Enslave the Rising Generation": The Freedmen's Bureau and the Texas Black Code 261 Barry A. Crouch 12 Land, Lumber, and Learning: The Freedmen's Bureau, Education and the Black Community in Post- Emancipation Maryland 288 Richard Paul Fuke 13 Reconstruction's Allies: The Relationship of the Freedmen's Bureau and the Georgia Freedmen 315 Paul A. Cimba!a Mterword 343 James M. McPherson Contributors 349 Index 355 PREFACE In 1955, George R. Bentley published A History of the Freedmen's Bu reau, the last full account of the federal Reconstruction agency that Congress had charged with supervising the South's transition from slavery to freedom. Since that time, a sea change in Reconstruction historiography has occurred. At the center of much discussion about how Republicans tried to translate Union victory and emancipation in war into a new order in peace has been the role of the Freedmen's Bureau. The Bureau, after all, stood as the principal expression and extension of federal authority in the defeated South. Through the Bureau, the federal government would assume new responsibilities in providing relief to refugees and ex-slaves, trying to settle the ex slaves on land (and then removing them from land), overseeing labor contracts and adjudicating labor disputes, building schools, and more. Through the Bureau, the Republican party would carry its ideas about a free-labor political economy southward. But, as histor ies of Reconstruction reiterate, the Bureau did not get its way. In the end, black freedom and free-labor ideas were only partly, and often precariously, planted. Historians have disagreed on the effectiveness of the Bureau in securing freedom and remaking the South. Some have argued that the Freedmen's Bureau, along with the army, undercut black free dom by seeking to restore agricultural production and minimize so cial and political change. Others have viewed the Bureau as fundamental in tearing down the old order and helping blacks claim equality before the law and opportunity on the land. Still others have suggested that however much the Bureau might have preferred continuity over revolution in a postwar South, at least in the short run, the Bureau's long-term commitment to basic civil rights for blacks worked against the unyielding white commitment to keep blacks down forever. Whatever the true assessment of the Bureau's role-and the debate continues-it is now time to revisit the Bureau as a whole, to bring scholarship on the Bureau together, to take stock X PREFACE of the literature, and to point new directions for inquiry. Thus this book. Much of the best recent work on the Bureau and Reconstruction has observed ideas and people in action. In doing so, scholars have come to appreciate that the story of the Bureau was more than the political wrangling between Andrew Johnson and Radical Republi cans in Washington. Scholars now remind us that no single story or typology represented the whole of the Bureau. There were in fact many Bureaus, as agents, freedpeople, and white southerners negoti ated, sometimes violently, the meaning of freedom in their local areas. Getting down to cases revealed the permutations of Bureau agents' beliefs, strategies, and personalities. It also showed that black and white southerners approached the Bureau as suited their own particular needs. As such, the Bureau was in a constant state of evolution and adaptation. Considering the obstacles of racism, southerners' distrust of outsiders, the temporary status of the Bu reau as an agency, the Bureau's limited resources, the lack of a sig nificant military presence to support the Bureau, among a host of constraints, it is a wonder the Bureau succeeded at all. At the same time, the many state and local studies of the Bureau all seem to suggest that, however weak institutionally or racist personally, the Bureau altered the assumptions and calculus of local power and race relations. Simply by being there to oversee a labor contract or hear the complaint of an ex-slave or a planter was to interrupt, even dis rupt, the complete economic and social power claimed by whites over blacks before emancipation. If nothing else, the Bureau showed that slavery was dead. On that point, the scholars agree. Despite the recognition of the Bureau's significance, the agency has yet to be presented in a comprehensive book-length study that addresses the new historiographical trends and integrates questions, such as the role of gender in the formation of Bureau policy, that would have surprised Bentley and his generation of scholars. That the Bureau still wants a new history is the consequence, in part, of the agency's own voluminous archive. The National Archives houses thousands of linear feet of loose papers and bound volumes and hun dreds of rolls of microfilm of Bureau material. It is almost too much for anyone but the most devoted Bureau scholar to peruse in a life time. Scholars have not ignored the Bureau, but few have actually devoted full-dress studies to the agency at the state and local levels.

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