E XPERIENC E THE I NJUSTICE OF a theory of recognition EMMANUEL RENAULT THE EXPERIENCE OF INJUSTICE NEW DIRECTIONS IN CRITICAL THEORY NEW DIRECTIONS IN CRITICAL THEORY Amy Allen, General Editor New Directions in Critical Theory presents outstanding classic and contemporary texts in the tradition of critical social theory, broadly construed. The series aims to renew and advance the program of critical social theory, with a particular focus on theorizing contemporary struggles around gender, race, sexuality, class, and globalization and their complex interconnections. For a complete list of books in this series, see pages 273–274 The Experience of Injustice A THEORY OF RECOGNITION Emmanuel Renault TRANSLATED BY Richard A. Lynch Columbia University Press New York Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893 New York Chichester, West Sussex cup.columbia.edu L’expérience de l’injustice Reconnaissance et clinique de l’injustice by Emmanuel Renault © Editions La Découverte, Paris, France, 2004. Copyright © 2019 Columbia University Press All rights reserved Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-0-231-17706-1 (cloth) ISBN 978-0-231-54898-4 (e-book) Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America Cover design: Milenda Nan Ok Lee Cover photo: Nikolas Georgiou / © Alamy CONTENTS TRANSLATOR’S NOTE vii PREFACE xi Introduction Political Philosophy and the Clinic of Injustice 1 PART I Injustice and the Denial of Recognition Chapter One Social Movements and Critique of Politics 33 Chapter Two The Aporias of Social Justice 65 Chapter Three The Institutions of Injustice 94 vi CONTENTS PART II The Politics of Identity and Politics in Identity Chapter Four Identity as the Experience of Injustice 137 Chapter Five A Defense of Identity Politics 157 PART III Social Suffering Chapter Six Social Critique as a Voice for Suffering 181 Chapter Seven Recognition and Psychic Suffering 202 Conclusion Critique as a Voice Against Injustice 224 NOTES 231 INDEX 261 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE A few terms central to Emmanuel Renault’s argument merit a brief discus- sion in advance—although quite succinctly expressed in French, they are difficult to render simply and concisely into natural English. The first of these is dominés et demunis, of which Renault makes system- atic use as a conceptual pair, and which is translated here either as “domi- nated and deprived,” or frequently, as “the dominated and the deprived.” In Renault’s usage, dominés refers to individuals or groups living under domination or oppression, and démunis to those suffering the loss or deprivation of social resources, networks, and supports—including, but not merely limited to poverty, or loss of material resources. As Renault explains, one can be more or less endowed with resources for living under forms of domination and for facing life’s hazards but also suffer from depri- vation by being marginalized or excluded by forms of social domination; one can therefore suffer from deprivation quite independently of the fact of being oppressed. (Apart from preserving the alliteration, the English “dom- inated” seems preferable to “oppressed” because the latter can be both too strong and too narrow—not every space or state of domination is a space or state of oppression.) Similarly, “the deprived” seems preferable to “the poor,” since it indicates that a poverty of social resources, and not merely material poverty, is intended. Renault uses dominés et démunis both as a pair and independently—the latter, “the deprived,” is discussed in more detail below. Another of Renault’s central concepts that is difficult to express elegantly and succinctly in English is dynamiques revendicatives—the dynamics or viii TRANSLATOR’S NOTE process by which demands are developed and articulated, “the dynamics of formulating demands.” The French noun revendication carries the sense of a demand or a claim, as in an actionable claim for justice; the adjectival form revendicatif carries a sense of dissent or protest. But the English “dis- sent” is closer to the French notion of contestation than revendication, and does not capture Renault’s usage here (although he does use the adjectival revendicatif, in the sense of dissent or contestation, in other contexts). The phrase dynamiques revendicatives, “the dynamics of formulating demands,” refers to the process by which negative experiences or feelings (of injustice) are cognitively transformed into normative and social demands (for jus- tice, or for a new understanding of justice). One of the central tasks of the book is to explain this process, one that leads from a negative experience to demands, by distinguishing various practical dynamics (refusal, avoid- ance, or accommodation), cognitive processes (reinterpretation of a given context or norms), and normative dynamics (efforts to express what is at stake in these negative experiences). Another important concept that is difficult to translate adequately and directly is action protestataire or agir protestataire—translated here as “action in protest” or “protest action.” This term does not merely denote something like a strike or a protest march (though these can function as examples), but rather a broader category of action in resistance to some- thing, action that pushes back against or refuses to accept a negative experi- ence, whether that action is cognitive or social, whether it is carried out by an individual or a group. Collective de travail (a concept that becomes significant in chapter 5), translated here as a “work collective,” is yet another concept for which no direct English equivalent exists. The idea encompasses a team of workers— perhaps, for example, all the workers on a factory floor or on a shift, or all the employees at the same level of a corporate hierarchy. English terms that capture the idea partially but not fully, (but that could nevertheless help an American reader begin to see the term’s extension, include “co-workers,” “colleagues,” “shift crew,” and “project team.” The notion of a “work collec- tive” also encompasses some of the elements of solidarity represented in labor unions and collective bargaining units (though these are quite differ- ent institutional structures than a “work collective”): one can look to the other members of one’s “work collective” for mutual respect, understand- ing, and recognition of one’s skills, contributions, and accomplishments, ix TRANSLATOR’S NOTE even when the latter are overlooked or unrecognized by management. While “work collective” is a neologism in English (and one that might even misleadingly connote ideas of “collectivization” to American ears), this term has been employed in recent work by Renault and others (where it is briefly defined as “a number of coworkers who are brought together . . . by technical aspects of the tasks themselves”1), and so is also used here. Two other related terms are the French expressions les “sans” (literally, “those without”) and luttes des “sans” (“the struggles of those without”). Les “sans”—a fairly common term in French political theory—refers to peo- ple who have virtually no material or social resources, and encompasses groups such as the homeless (les sans-logement, “those without housing”), the unemployed (les chômeurs or les sans-travail, “those without work”), and undocumented immigrants (les sans-papiers, “those without [legal] documentation”). All are typically groups and individuals who have been marginalized, rendered invisible, and forgotten by society. At the author’s suggestion, and in resonance with the pair “dominated and deprived” (dis- cussed above), les “sans” is here glossed as “the deprived,” and les luttes des “sans” as “the struggles of the deprived.” While these English glosses do lose some of the vividness and directness of the French, they nevertheless fit within the conceptual landscape Renault is presenting here. “Psychic suffering” (souffrance psychique—another critical concept in Renault’s argument) may also sound a bit awkward in English; at first glance, “psychological suffering” would seem an easier, more familiar translation, one that avoids any unintended resonances with “psychics” or the paranormal, for example. However, souffrance psychique is a technical term in Renault’s usage, denoting a particular form of psychological suffer- ing (as is elaborated in more detail here and elsewhere2), and so “psychic suffering” is used here as well. A final term that merits mention in advance is the idea of a porte-parole, translated here both as a “spokesperson” and as a “voice.” Though the term itself does not appear until the later chapters of the book, the ideas behind it shape Renault’s argument from the opening pages of the introduction, when he frames political philosophy’s approach as a choice between seeking consensus or taking sides. Both English terms (“spokesperson” and “voice”) capture something of Renault’s usage here: he understands critical theory’s role to be that of a spokesperson—giving voice to concerns in political or theoretical arenas where they would otherwise not be recognized. But in