The Evolving Self

369 Pages·2010·1.76 MB·English

by  Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi

T HE
EVOLVING
SELF
A PSYCHOLOGY
FOR THE THIRD MILLENNIUM
M I H A LY
C S I K S Z E N T M I H A L YI
HarperPerennial
A Division ofHarperCoW'msPublisbers
A hardcover edition of this book was published in 1993 by HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.
THE EVOLVING SELF Copyright © 1993 by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America No part of this book may be used or reproduced
in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quota
tions embodied in critical articles and reviews For information address HarperCollins
Publishers, Inc , 10 East 53rd Street, New York, NY 10022
HarperCollins books may be purchased for educational, business, or sales promotional use
For information please write Special Markets Department, HarperCollins Publishers, Inc ,
10 East 53rd Street, New York, NY 10022
First HarperPerennial edition published 1994
Designed by Innng Perkins Associates
The Library of Congress has catalogued the hardcover edition as follows
Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly
The evolving self, a psychology for the third millennium / Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi
— 1st ed
p cm
Includes bibliographical references and index
ISBN 0-06-016677-0
1 Genetic psychology 2 Behavior evolution 3 Social evolution I Title
BF701 C676 1993
155 7—dc20 95-56220
ISBN 0-06-092192-7 (pbk )
96 97 98 CC/RRD 10 9 8 7 6 5 4
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION xi
PART I
THE LURE OF THE PAST
1 THE MIND AND HISTORY 3
The Perspective of Evolution 3
The Global Network 5
At the Hinges of the New Millennium 8
Chance, Necessity, and Something Else 13
Are We Hopelessly Bad? 15
The Good and the Bad 18
The Emergence of the Self 20
Further Thoughts on "The Mind and History" 24
2 WHO CONTROLS THE MIND? 28
Eternal Dissatisfaction 29
Chaos and Consciousness 32
Why Is Happiness So Elusive? 34
The Limits of Reason 37
The Addiction to Pleasure 42
Stress, Strain, and Hormones 46
Further Thoughts on "Who Controls the Mind?" 52
3 THE VEILS OF MAYA 55
Illusion and Reality 55
The World of the Genes 63
The World of Culture 69
The World of the Self 76
Further Thoughts on "The Veils of Maya" 83
viii CONTENTS
4 PREDATORS AND PARASITES 86
The Forces of Selection 86
Power and Oppression 89
The Exploitation of Women and Children 95
Individual Differences in Power 98
The Transmission of Inequality 101
Parasitic Exploitation 105
The Strategy of Irresponsibility 107
Exploitation Through Mimicry 109
Further Thoughts on "Predators and Parasites" 114
5 MEMES VERSUS GENES 119
The Competition of Memes 120
Memes and Addiction 126
Memes and Media 131
The Competition of Ideas 136
Memes and Materialism 139
Further Thoughts on "Memes versus Genes" 143
PART II
THE POWER OF THE FUTURE
6 DIRECTING EVOLUTION 149
Some Principles of Evolution 150
The Nature of Complexity 157
Morality and Evolution 159
The Control of Population 162
Eumemics: Limiting the Reproduction of Memes 165
Complexity of Consciousness 169
Further Thoughts on "Directing Evolution" 172
7 EVOLUTION AND FLOW 175
The Elements of Flow 179
Why Is Flow Rewarding? 187
The Consequences of Flow 192
What Happens When Flow Is Absent? 197
Flow in Everyday Life 199
Further Thoughts on "Evolution and Flow" 204
CONTENTS ix
8 THE TRANSCENDENT SELF 207
What Transcenders Are Like 208
What Is the Self? 216
Evolving Images of the Ideal Self 219
The Development of the Self Through the Life Span 234
Flow and the Growth of the Self 237
The Skills of Spirituality and Wisdom 238
The Challenges of the Future 244
Further Thoughts on "The Transcendent Self" 249
9 THE FLOW OF HISTORY 252
Flow and the Evolution of Technology 254
Flow and Historical Change 258
The Good Society 266
Creating a Good Society 269
Educating for the Good Society 272
Further Thoughts on "The Flow of History" 277
10 A FELLOWSHIP OF THE FUTURE 279
Forging a Fellowship 281
Cells of the Future 285
A Faith of the Future 289
Further Thoughts on "A Fellowship of the Future" 294
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 297
NOTES 299
REFERENCES 335
INDEX 351
I N T R O D U C T I ON
What follows is a sequel to Flow, a book I wrote three years ago.
Flow reported a quarter century of psychological research on happi
ness. It presented a summary of the principles that make living
worthwhile. It dealt with questions such as these: Why do some
people love their work, have a great time with their family, and
relish the hours spent thinking in solitude while others hate their
jobs, are bored at home, and dread being alone? How can the
routines of everyday life be transformed so that they feel as exciting
as skiing down a mountain slope, as fulfilling as singing the Hal
lelujah Chorus, as meaningful as taking part in a sacred ritual? The
studies I and others had done suggested that such transformations
were possible.
After many yean of systematic research, the time came to take
stock of what we had learned, and present it to a wider audience.
Flow has been successful beyond expectation in reaching this aim;
however, in order to complete its argument, many issues that could
not be dealt with in that book still had to be explored. To do so is
the aim of the present volume.
My interest in enjoyment began in 1963, when I was working on
a doctoral dissertation in human development at the University of
Chicago. The thesis revolved around a central issue in creativity:
How do people go about thinking up new questions? How do they
identify problems that no one else thought of before? To answer
these questions, I resolved to observe artists at work. By taking notes
and pictures of how paintings developed and then asking questions
of the artists afterward as to what went on in their minds while they
worked, I hoped to gain useful insights into the process of creativity.
Though my research into creativity proved successful, something
even more important emerged from my observations of artists at
work. What impressed me was how totally involved the artists
xii INTRODUCTION
became with what was transpiring on canvas. An almost hypnotic
trance seemed to seize them as they struggled to give shape to their
vision. When a painting was beginning to get interesting they could
not tear themselves away from it; they forgot hunger, social obliga
tions, time, and fatigue so that they could keep moving it along. But
this fascination lasted only as long as a picture remained unfinished;
once it stopped changing and growing, the artist usually leaned it
against a wall and turned his or her attention to the next blank
canvas.
It seemed clear that what was so enthralling about painting was
not the anticipation of a beautiful picture, but the process of paint
ing itself. At first this seemed strange, because psychological theories
usually assume that we are motivated either by the need to eliminate
an unpleasant condition like hunger or fear, or by the expectation
of some future reward such as money, status, or prestige. The idea
that a person could work around the clock for days on end, for no
better reason than to keep on working, lacked credibility. But if one
stops to reflect, this behavior is not as unusual as it may seem at first.
Artists are not the only ones who spend time and effort on an
activity that has few rewards outside itself. In fact, everyone devotes
large chunks of time doing things that are inexplicable unless we
assume that the doing is enjoyed for its own sake. Children spend
much of their lives playing. Adults also play games like poker or
chess, participate in sports, grow gardens, learn to play the guitar,
read novels, go to parties, walk through woods—and do thousands
of other things—for no good reason except that the activities are
fun.
Of course, there is always the possibility that one will also get rich
or famous by doing these things. The artist may get a lucky break
and sell her canvas to a museum. The guitarist may learn to play so
well that someone will offer him a recording contract. We may
justify doing sports to stay healthy, and go to parties because of
possible business contacts or sexual adventures. External goals are
often present in the background, but they are seldom the main
reason why we engage in such activities. The main reason for
playing the guitar is that it is enjoyable, and so is talking with people
at a party. Not everyone likes to play the guitar or go to parties, but
those who spend time on them usually do so because the quality of
INTRODUCTION xiii
experience while involved in these activities is intrinsically reward
ing. In short, some things are just fun to do.
This conclusion, however, does not get us very far. The obvious
question is, Why are these things fun? Strangely enough, when we
try to answer that question, it turns out that contrary to what one
would have expected, the enormous variety of enjoyable activities
share some common characteristics. If a tennis player is asked how
it feels when a game is going well, she will describe a state of mind
that is very similar to the description a chess player will give of a
good tournament. So will be a description of how it feels to be
absorbed in painting, or playing a difficult piece of music. Watching
a good play or reading a stimulating book also seems to produce the
same mental state. I called it "flow," because this was a metaphor
several respondents gave for how it felt when their experience was
most enjoyable—it was like being carried away by a current, every
thing moving smoothly without effort.
Contrary to expectation, "flow" usually happens not during
relaxing moments of leisure and entertainment, but rather when we
are actively involved in a difficult enterprise, in a task that stretches
our physical or mental abilities. Any activity can do it. Working on
a challenging job, riding the crest of a tremendous wave, and teach
ing one's child the letters of the alphabet are the kinds of experiences
that focus our whole being in a harmonious rush of energy, and lift
us out of the anxieties and boredom that characterize so much of
everyday life.
It turns out that when challenges are high and personal skills are
used to the utmost, we experience this rare state of consciousness.
The first symptom of flow is a narrowing of attention on a clearly
defined goal. We feel involved, concentrated, absorbed. We know
what must be done, and we get immediate feedback as to how well
we are doing. The tennis player knows after each shot whether the
ball actually went where she wanted it to go; the pianist knows after
each stroke of the keyboard whether the notes sound like they
should. Even a usually boring job, once the challenges are brought
into balance with the person's skills and the goals are clarified, can
begin to be exciting and involving.
The depth of concentration required by the fine balance of chal
lenges and skills precludes worrying about temporarily irrelevant
xiv INTRODUCTION
issues. We forget ourselves and become lost in the activity. If the
rock-climber were to worry about his job or his love life as he is
hanging by his fingertips over the void, he would soon fall. The
musician would hit a wrong note, the chess player would lose the
game.
The well-matched use of skills provides a sense of control over
our actions, yet because we are too busy to think of ourselves, it
does not matter whether we are in control or not, whether we are
winning or losing. Often we feel a sense of transcendence, as if the
boundaries of the self had been expanded. The sailor feels at one
with the boat, the wind, and the sea; the singer feels a mysterious
sense of universal harmony. In those moments the awareness of time
disappears, and hours seem to flash by without our noticing.
This state of consciousness, which comes as close as anything can
to what we call happiness, depends on two sets of conditions. The
first is external. Certain activities are more likely to produce flow
than others because (1) they have concrete goals and manageable
rules, (2) they make it possible to adjust opportunities for action to
our capacities, (3) they provide clear information about how well
we are doing, and (4) they screen out distractions and make concen
tration possible. Games, artistic performances, and religious rituals
are good examples of such "flow activities." But one of the most
important findings of our studies has been that any activity can
produce the optimal flow experience, as long as it meets the above
requirements. Physicians describe doing surgery as an addictive
"body-contact sport" similar to sailing or skiing; computer pro-
grarnmers often can't tear themselves away from their keyboards. In
fact, people seem to get more flow from what they do on their jobs
than from leisure activities in free time.
The second set of conditions that allows flow to happen is inter
nal to the person. Some people have an uncanny ability to match
their skills to the opportunities around them. They set manageable
goals for themselves even when there does not seem to be anything
for them to do. They are good at reading feedback that others fail
to notice. They can concentrate easily and do not get distracted.
They are not afraid of losing their self, so their ego can slip easily out
of awareness. Persons who have learned to control consciousness in
these ways have a "flow personality." They do not need to play in