The East Asian Region The East Asian Region CONFUCIAN HERITAGE AND ITS MODERN ADAPTATION Edited by Gilbert Rozman PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY Copyright © 1991 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, NewJersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Oxford All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatton Data The East Asian region : Confucian heritage and its modern adaptation / edited by Gilbert Rozman. p. cm. Includes index. 1. Philosophy, Confucian—East Asia. 2. East Asia—Social life and customs. I. Rozman, Gilbert. B5233.C6E37 1991 181M12—dc20 90-37421 ISBN 0-691-05597-1 This book has been composed in Linotron Baskerville Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and meet the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, NewJersey 1 3 5 7 9 1 0 8 6 4 2 CONTENTS Preface vii Contributors xi INTRODUCTION The East Asian Region in Comparative Perspective 3 GILBERT ROZMAN PART I: Confucianization: The Deepening of Tradition CHAPTER 1 The Chinese Family and the Spread of Confucian Values 45 PATRICIA EBREY CHAPTER 2 The Confucianization of Korean Society 84 JAHYUN KIM HABOUSH CHAPTER 3 The Legacy of Confucianism in Japan 111 MARTIN COLLCUTT PART II: The Modern Transition: De-Confucianization or Re-Confucianization? CHAPTER 4 Comparisons of Modern Confucian Values in China and Japan 157 GILBERT ROZMAN CHAPTER 5 Perceptions of Confucianism in Twentieth-Century Korea 204 MICHAEL ROBINSON Index 227 PREFACE THIS VOLUME is the product of an informal seminar supported by the Mellon Foundation through a grant to Princeton University. From 1985 to 1987 the seminar regularly brought together local graduate students and faculty as well as invited outside discussants to examine various historical and comparative dimensions of the East Asian Con fucian tradition. We are grateful to the scores of participants who contributed on those occasions to the shaping of this manuscript. Sa- rane Boocock, Stephen Chiu, Deborah Davis, Sheldon Garon, Marius B. Jansen, Ryoko Kato, Laurel Kendall, and Andrew Walder are among the many to whom we are in debt. Our preliminary discus sions explored many more dimensions than those examined in this book; no doubt others will carry the analysis forward with the advan tage of benefiting from our loose ends. We want to express our ap preciation also to Margaret Case and Laura Kang Ward of Princeton University Press and two anonymous readers who helped to revise this volume for publication. The collaborative efforts in this book have been guided by the im age of an emerging, though still vaguely defined, field of study. Viewed from a global perspective, it might be called regionalism, since the primary concern is how one region in the world differs from other leading regions. Seen more closely, this field involves the comparative and interdisciplinary study of the countries within East Asia. In this way, we can determine what constitutes the common re gional heritage as distinct from the specific national traditions. This differentiation can best be achieved by examining the diffusion of the regional legacy over many centuries and its adaptability in an era of modernization and of state-sponsored movements intended to incul cate a new worldview. Our goal is to analyze a changing regional her itage interacting with national and interregional forces. The Introduction approaches East Asia through comparisons with the West, led by the United States and Western Europe, and the North, centered in the Soviet Union. This exploratory discussion highlights the special character of the East Asian region, briefly ex plaining what this region is and how it has developed. From our overview comparing three regions, we search for a re vised typology of societies, reaching beyond the familiar categories of capitalist and socialist, modernized and nonmodernized. In addition to explaining the study of regions and identifying some topics useful Vlll PREFACE for the study of heritage, this chapter concisely reviews the Confucian intellectual tradition, together with stereotypes of individuals and of group relations within the region. It presents a general introduction to the East Asian region. Future research will likely present a vast panorama of interregional comparisons. Our aim here is merely to trace some outstanding dif ferences and to indicate combinations involving both East Asian traditions and outside elements. We recognize that over many centu ries the regional tradition interacted with distinct national traditions and responded to changing societies, that over the past century and a half it has combined with imported traditions and has been trans formed by modernizing societies, and that the pace of "internation alization" continues to accelerate. Not only does the region stand out for its indigenous tradition and for its adaptations in the course of borrowing, it also should be seen as a source of convergence. We should consider the impact of East Asia as a leading region that fi nally becomes an exporter of its own regional legacy. Throughout this book we ask what is Confucian about East Asia. The Introduction reviews the central concepts in the Confucian worldview and makes interregional comparisons with other world- views. Part I considers what was essential to Confucianism in each of three countries, and asks when it spread to successive groups in the population. Part II continues by discussing what survived from this tradition, and whether or not it was perceived as Confucian. The In troduction also considers the prospects for Confucian behavior in an increasingly competitive and interdependent world. We are concerned with Confucianism as it was practiced in diverse settings. We view Confucianism as a set of rituals aimed at harmoniz ing human relations and more generally as a guide to social behavior. We also see it as a method of governance, relying on a system of ed ucation and a clear-cut ordering of the society. It is a worldview, but often not an exclusive one. It is a set of ideals, combined with the means to achieve them at the individual, community, and state level. These concerns lead us to investigate the social history, the sociology, of East Asia. Part I consists of three parallel chapters, each presenting a chro nology of the spread of Confucian values and behavior through one of the East Asian countries. Although China was the birthplace of Confucianism and, unlike Japan and Korea, was not conscious of an imported doctrine, it is important to trace the spread of the attitudes and practices of this worldview even within Chinese society. Only in the second millennium after Confucius' death in 479 B.C. did the practices that had become closely identified with his teachings be come widely disseminated among the Chinese people, and even in PREFACE IX the third millennium diffusion continued but remained incomplete. In Korea the Confucian legacy was introduced later and did not spread widely until the fifteenth century. In Japan mass acceptance of Confucian principles was accelerated in the eighteenth and nine teenth centuries. The three chapters on Confucianization in premodern times lead us away from the better studied intellectual history of Confucian ideas to the less explored impact of these ideas on the lives of individ uals in various social strata in their family setting, community activi ties, and education. For each country we seek to determine the timing of the dissemination, the means by which it was accomplished, and the groups most affected. Above all, our concern is with the degree and character of Confucianization. In this way, we can better show what is common to the regional tradition as well as what varies. Japan was the last of the three to become Confucianized, and it remained less so in the mid-nineteenth century than China and Ko rea. Yet, because of many factors, including the rapid spread of ed ucation and the competitive character of state sponsorship in a coun try with local government autonomy, Japanese Confucianism acquired a more dynamic form. It was a stronger force for centraliza tion, less encumbered with particular forms of rule and elite selec tion. Part II also reviews East Asia's three national paths, but concen trates on the modern era. It is concerned with the fate of the Confu cian tradition in an age of modernization and its interaction with cap italism and socialism. While some attention is given to national perceptions of the Confucian heritage, more centers on the actual persistence of the tradition, whether recognized or not, in various spheres of life. For comparative analysis it is necessary to distinguish different types of Confucianism. Chapter 4 points to five types and compares their presence in China and Japan. It stresses that Japan's Confucian legacy was more favorable for modernization because the traditions themselves were somewhat different. Moreover, Japanese built di rectly on these traditions, while Chinese leaders were often struggling to repudiate their heritage. In combination with Western liberalism, Confucian attitudes help to accelerate modernization. In combination with the aggressive campaigns of radical socialism and their stifling controls on the expression of traditional attitudes, modernization is slowed in the long run, even if short-term mobilization may give the illusion of rapid strides in the economy. Part II is concerned with the modern fate of a tradition that once appeared to be dying, but in fact proved to be unusually amenable to continued application. Our objective is to explore some of the broadest contours on the
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