The Dynamics of Migration and Settlement in Europe: A State of the Art (Amsterdam University Press - IMISCOE Joint Studies)

319 Pages·2006·1.7 MB·English

by  Rinus Penninx

IMISCOE
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The Dynamics of
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International Migration
and Settlement
in Europe
A State of the Art
rinus penninx, maria berger
and karen kraal (eds.)
isbn- 978 90 556 866 8
isbn-0 90 556 866 2
A U  P
amserdam uniersi press .aup.nl
The Dynamics of International Migration and Settlement in Europe
IMISCOE (International Migration, Integration and Social Cohesion)
IMISCOE is a European Commission-funded Network of Excellence of
more than 350scientists from various research institutes thatspecialise
in migration and integration issues in Europe. These researchers, who
come from allbranches ofthe economicandsocialsciences,the huma-
nities and law, implement an integrated, multidisciplinary and interna-
tionally comparative research program that focuses on Europe’s migra-
tion and integration challenges.
Within the program, existing research is integrated and new re-
search lines are developed that involve issues crucial to European-level
policy making and provide a theory-based design to implement new re-
search.
The publication program of IMISCOE is based on five distinct publication
profiles, designed to make its research and results available to scien-
tists, policymakers and the public at large. High-quality manuscripts
written by IMISCOE members, or in cooperation with IMISCOE members,
are published in these five series. An Editorial Committee coordinates
the review processofthe manuscripts. Thefive series are:
1. Joint Studies
2. Research
3. Dissertations
4. Reports
5. Textbooks
More information on the network can be foundat: www.imiscoe.org
IMISCOE Joint Studies include publications resulting from joint initia-
tives of IMISCOE members. These publications target a broad audi-
ence, includingpolicymakers.
The Dynamics of International
Migration and Settlement in Europe
A State of the Art
Rinus Penninx
Maria Berger
Karen Kraal
(eds.)
IMISCOE Joint Studies
Cover design:Studio Jan de Boer BNO,Amsterdam
Layout: Fito Prepublishing, Almere
ISBN-13 978 90 5356 866 8
ISBN-10 90 5356 866 2
NUR 741 /763
© Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2006
All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright re-
served above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or in-
troduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise)
without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the
authorof the book.
Contents
1. Introduction
Rinus Penninx 7
2. International Migration andItsRegulation
MariaI. Baganha,Jeroen Doomernik,Heinz Fassmann,
Sonia Gsir, MartinHofmann, Michael Jandl, Albert Kraler,
MatthiasNeske and Ursula Reeger 19
3. Migration and Development: Causesand Consequences
Richard Black, Xiang Biao, Michael Collyer, Godfried Engbersen,
LiesbethHeeringand Eugenia Markova 41
4. Migrants’ Citizenship: Legal Status,Rights and Political
Participation
Rainer Baubo¨ck, Albert Kraler, Marco Martiniello and
Bernhard Perchinig 65
5. Migrants’ Work,Entrepreneurship andEconomicIntegration
Michael Bommes and HolgerKolb 99
6. Social Integrationof Immigrants with Special Reference to
the Localand SpatialDimension
OlivierAsselin, Fran¸coiseDureau, Lucinda Fonseca,
Matthieu Giroud, Abdelkader Hamadi,Josef Kohlbacher,
Flip Lindo, Jorge Malheiros, Yann Marcadet and Ursula Reeger 133
7. Cultural,Religious and Linguistic Diversity in Europe:
An Overview of Issues and Trends
Steven Vertovec and Susanne Wessendorf 171
8. Identity, Representation, InterethnicRelations and
Discrimination
Jose´ Bastos, Aitor Ibarrola-Armendariz, Joa˜o Sardinha,
CharlesWestinand Gisela Will 201
6 CONTENTS
9. Time, Generationsand Gender in Migration andSettlement
Russell King, Mark Thomson, Tony Fieldingand Tony Warnes 233
10.The Multilevel Governanceof Migration
GiovannaZincone and Tiziana Caponio 269
11. Conclusions andDirections for Research
Rinus Penninx 305
1. Introduction
Rinus Penninx
1. Times are changing
In recent decades, international migration has become a major phe-
nomenon. While the number of persons living outside their country of
birth worldwide was estimated at ‘more than 105 million’ in 1985 (Uni-
ted Nations, 1998: 1) this number had nearly doubled to approximately
200 million 20 years later (GCIM 2005). Figures for the European
continent show an even steeper increase of residents in European
countries that have been born outside their present country of resi-
dence: in a shorter period of 15 years their number grew from an esti-
mated 23 million in 1985 (United Nations, 1998: 1) to more than 56
million, or 7.7 per cent of the total European population in 2000 (IOM
2003: 29).
Such absolute numbers already demonstrate that Europe has fac-
tually become an immigration continent. The relevance of this thesis is
reinforced if we look at the relative importance of migration in the de-
mography of Europe. Recent analyses of Eurostat show that since 1988
net migration has become a more substantial contributor to the growth
of the population of the 15 original member states of the EU than nat-
uralgrowth(i.e.birthsminus deaths). Fortheyear2005thisholdsalso
for the EU-25: in that year a total net migration of 1.69 million (on a
totalpopulationof462million)contributedsignificantlymoretopopu-
lation growth than 0.327 million natural growth. For the near future
prognoses of Eurostat expect a negative natural growth from 2010 on.
NetmigrationisexpectedtopreventanabsolutedecreaseoftheEUpo-
pulation until theyear 2025 (Eurostat 2005,2006).1
How impressive such generalfiguresfor Europe may be, they do not
mirror the differential impact of immigration. Migration and settle-
ment patterns of immigrants are basically uneven, both in time and in
space. Some West European countries, such as Switzerland, Belgium
and France, have a history of immigration before World War IIand im-
migration resumed soon after 1945. Other countries in the western
part of Europe only started to acquire their immigration experience in
the decades following the Second World War; these include the United
Kingdom, Sweden, Germany, Austria and the Netherlands. For a num-
8 RINUSPENNINX
ber of European countries such as Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greece and
Ireland, which used to be emigration countries until the 1980s, the
current immigration experience spans a period of about two decades.
Still other countries, among them most of the ten recently accessed
EU member states, are experiencing emigration, transit migration and
immigration at the same time. Obviously, such historical differences
are reflected in the size and composition of their immigrant popula-
tions.
The unevenness of the immigration experience in scale and in time
is as much noticeable within the countries in question. More than in
the past, new immigrants in recent decades have tended to concentrate
in urban areas. This pattern of migration, in terms of destination, is
notspecificallyEuropean.Large citiesandconurbationshave seentheir
composition changed rapidly. They have become the visible face of glo-
balisation. In the Netherlands, for example, more than 60 per cent of
all immigrants and their direct descendants live in the Western conur-
bation. InAmsterdam, immigrants andtheiroffspring constituteabout
half of the total population, and more than half of the pupils in pri-
mary schools are of non-Dutch origin. Similar observations can be
made about other large European cities (Penninx et al. 2004). Within
these metropolises, moreover, there is almost always a skewed distribu-
tion of these newcomers over districts and wards, contributing to their
visibility.
The picture is further complicated by what is called the new geogra-
phy of migration. The pattern of origin of migrants in Europe up to
the 1980s could conveniently be grouped under three headings: a) mi-
gration with a colonial background that connected certain European
countriesto their former colonies; b)labourmigrationthatconnected a
number of ‘recruiting countries’ to a limited number of ‘sending coun-
tries’, and c) refugee migration that was strongly dominated by refugee
migration from Eastern Europe to the West. In terms of the origins of
immigrants this led to a number of geographical patterns of migration
that embraced Europe and the Mediterranean countries, plus a limited
number of (former) colonies. That picture is now completely blurred.
Nowadays, immigrants, moved by varying motives and coming under
different guises, come to Europe from all over the world in significant
numbers: expatriates working for multinational companies and inter-
national organisations, skilled workers from all over the world, nurses
and doctors from the Philippines, refugees and asylum seekers from
African, Near Eastern and Asian countries, from the Balkan and for-
mer Soviet Union countries, students from China, undocumented
workers from African countries, just to single out some of the major
immigrant categories. The result in some places is so heterogeneous
that Vertovec (2006) recently coined the new term ‘super-diversity’, il-
INTRODUCTION 9
lustrating the case of the UK in general and the London metropolis in
particular.
Allthesefactsonthechangingsize,origin,destinationandcomposi-
tion of international migrationdoseem to relate to a broader context of
change: that of increasing globalisation. This has expressed itself in
several domains: the financial world has been one of the first doing
away with national barriers; agricultural and industrial production and
part of the world of service supply have increasingly developed new di-
visions of labour across borders; trade across borders has been eased
and has increased; culture and knowledge have developed new and ra-
pid ways ofdissemination thatare not hinderedby national borders.
These changes have had far-reaching consequences for the mobility
of people across borders. The first is that in such a globalising world
the type of mobility of people in general has also changed significantly,
particularly when it comes to short-term stays like those for business
travel, study and tourism, but also for longer stays of those who are di-
rectly related to or needed for the aforementioned forms of globalisa-
tion, such as employees of international organisations and multina-
tional enterprisesand highly skilled people in general.One could bring
these together under the category of the wanted travellers and mi-
grants. The expected benefits for global actors and national govern-
ments in given spatial territories coincide and thus their mobility is fa-
cilitated,if notpromoted. But this is notnecessarily the casefor others,
who as a consequence of the same process of globalisation – more and
rapid information on possibilities elsewhere, denser and relatively
cheaper communication and transport, etc. – decide themselves to look
for an economically better and/or politically safer new destination.
Paradoxically, for them national boundaries and borders and the sover-
eign right of states to decide on admission of non-nationals have
gainedimportance. For the non-solicitedand non-invited migrantsnew
and increasing barriers have been erected. The new notions in scienti-
fic analysis have thus become ‘supply versus demand driven mobility
andmigration’andinpolicyterms‘thewantedversus unsolicited’.This
ambivalent reaction to international mobility and migration in a globa-
lising context has taken a special form within the European Union. On
the one hand, the EU (and its predecessors)created essentially afunda-
mental right to move and settle within the EU area for citizens and re-
sidents of its member states. On the other hand, EU member states
have developed restrictive and defensive immigration policies to keep
out unasked-for migrants. This amounts to the paradoxical trend to-
wards ‘free mobility’ for those within, and increasing closure for those
outsidethe EU.
A second consequence of globalisation and the specific selection of
migration and the movements it stimulates, concerns changes to the