The Door of No Return The Fitstory of Cape Coast Castle and the Atlantic Slave Trade William St Clair BlueBridge LO nn, Jacket design by Stefan Killen Design Cover image top: Getty Images Cover image bottom: Cape Coast Castle today, from Kwest J. Anquandah, Castles and Forts of Ghana (Atalante, 1999) Text design by Sue Lamble All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Publisher. Copyright © 2006, 2007 by William St Clair Published in Great Britain under the title The Grand Slave Emporium by Profile Books Ltd. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA St. Clair, William. The door of no return : Cape Coast Castle and the slave trade / William St Clair. p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-1-933346-05-2 ISBN-10: 1-933346-05-1 1. Slave-trade—Ghana—History. 2. Slavery—Ghana—History. 3. Cape Coast Castle (Cape Coast, Ghana)—History. 4. Cape Coast Castle (Cape Coast, Ghana)—Sociological aspects. 5. Slave-trade—Great Britain—History. I. Title. HT1394.G48873 2007 306.3’6209667—dc22 2006031398 First published in North America in 2007 by BlueBridge An imprint of United Tribes Media Inc. 240 West 35th Street, Suite 500 New York, NY 10001 www.bluebridgebooks.com Printed in the United States of America 10987654321 Contents Introduction = The sea NH Outside O Inside W hk The officers HOH The soldiers and the workers 128 DH The women 147 The fort 181 n O The emporium 200 o The wide wide world 245 O Bibliographical note 265 List of illustrations 273 Index 275 Acknowledgements 282 SAHARA THE GOLD COAST OF AFRICA DESERT during the slave trade era hme NS WS, Jou! ‘TODTH, > COAST Ss LAV, * a } WN COAST GO 3 a ATLANTIC OCEAN ) Oo ey BP Milles go oo tem ASANTE EMPIRE eSt — O The three Castles © British, Dutch, and Danish forts Introduction Am the western coast of Africa, from where the Sahara desert ends in the north to the Cape of Good Hope in the south, are the remains of many castles, forts, and temporary lodges built by the Portuguese, the Spanish, the Dutch, the French, the Germans of the Duchy of Brandenburg, the Danes, the Swedes, and the British. Other countries, notably the United States and Brazil, which had no slaving forts, had fleets of slaving ships. However, nowhere are there such vivid monuments to the transatlantic slave trade as along the coast of Ghana, where about sixty forts were built, some within sight — and even cannon range — of each other. Although that stretch of the African coast was difficult for sailing ships to approach, it was more accessible than cither the coast to the west, which was skirted by shallow sandy lagoons, or the coast further to the east, where the deltas of the rivers Volta and Niger caused other problems for mariners. Most of these forts still stand, either adapted for later uses or in various states of ruin. Cape Coast Castle, which lies almost on the same meridian as London, was the headquarters in Africa of the entire British involvement in the transatlantic slave trade. For 143 years (1664- 1807) it was, in the words of one of its British governors, the grand emporium of the British slave trade. From this building perched on The Door of No Return the shore of the South Atlantic Ocean, men, women, and children born in Africa were sold to British slave ships and carried to the West Indies, to North and South America, and to destinations elsewhere. Most were then put to work in tropical plantations, growing sugar, tobacco, rice, coffee, cotton, indigo, and other crops, or were employed in mines, in the industrial workshops in which the crops were processed, as soldiers, or as domestic servants. The British slaving fort at Whydah in Dahomey (modern Ouidah in Benin), nearly 300 miles to the east, was administered from the Castle. Many hundreds of miles from the Castle in the other direction were the British forts in the Gambia and Sierra Leone (and for a time Gorée Island in Senegal), at times formally subordinate to the governor in Cape Coast Castle, but mostly administered directly from London, and all integrated into the same oceanic network of ships and shore settlements that formed the African end of the British slave trade. Henry Meredith, a fort governor, who stayed on after the trade was made illegal in 1807 and who wrote a book recommend- ing that it should be resumed, looked back nostalgically to the days he remembered when ‘it was common to see twenty or thirty sailing ships of different nations at one time.’ The Castle today is well preserved, partially restored, and excellently presented, with an informative museum. Along with other castles and forts in Ghana, it is designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Although the building has been altered since the slave trade era, much remains the same: the heat and the damp, the unceasing crash and spray of the Atlantic breakers on the rocks, the long canoes by which the local coastal peoples make their living from the sea, and the vultures, which are seldom out of sight. Visitors need no longer fear the malaria, the yellow fever, and the other tropical illnesses that long made West Africa the white man’s grave. However, to appreciate the claim of the Castle on the memory of the entire modern world, the journey must take place in the imagination. There is no other way. Introduction The transatlantic slave trade was the greatest forced migration in history. From the mid-fifteenth to the late nineteenth century, over 11 million people born in Africa were carried across the ocean. About 3 million were taken by ships belonging to British merchants and those of the British settlers in North America and the West Indies. Nearly a million enslaved Africans went to Jamaica alone. During the 1790s, when the British slave trade was at its height, a slaving ship left London, Bristol, Liverpool, or one of half a dozen other British ports every second day. There was also a huge inter-American slave trade — to, from, within, and between mainland North and South America and the Caribbean. The ancestors of innumerable people living today in the United States, Canada, the English-speaking Caribbean, Britain, and many other countries passed through the ‘door of no return’ in Cape Coast Castle or in one of its subsidiary forts. Louis Armstrong, for one, believed his family left Africa through the gate of the British fort at Anomabu nearby, although, like others, he only had uncertain traditions to go on. Thousands of men participated directly, traveling far from their homes in order to do so. But many other men, women, and children, Europeans, Africans, Americans, and Asians, were indirectly employed near where they lived, in making the building materials for the castles and forts, in designing and constructing the specialized sailing vessels, in manufacturing the armaments, chains, and instruments of coercion, in providing the financial capital, the credit, the insurance, the foreign exchange, and the other complex services that were essential to the operation of the trade. Many thousands more were employed in spinning, weaving, dyeing, and packing the fabrics, in casting and forging the metalwares, in distilling the brandy and the rum, and in the manufacture and processing of the many other goods and commodities that were taken to Africa to be exchanged for slaves. Even the peoples of The Door of No Return North America who traded deerskins to the incoming European settlers were drawn into the oceanic economy. Among those who received dividends from the slave trade were the British royal family, the British aristocracy, the English church, and many institutions, families, and individuals. Plantation owners in North America and the West Indies prospered from the sale of commodities produced by slave labor, as did some of their employees and business partners, and profits remitted to Britain and British settlers overseas supported others who never left home. A similar reckoning could be made for the other slaving nations. But it is scarcely an exaggeration to say that every person in the Europeanized world who put sugar in their tea or coffee, spread jam on their bread, who ate sweets, cakes, or ice cream, who smoked or chewed tobacco, took snuff, drank rum or corn brandy, or wore colored cotton clothes, also benefited from, and participated in, a globalized economy of tropical plantations worked by slaves forcibly brought from Africa. When in the 1830s Brodie Cruikshank, a governor of Anomabu fort, contemplated the map of West Africa with the European slaving forts dotted along its coast, he saw parasitic leeches that had stuck themselves on to the skin of Africa, ruthlessly sucking its blood and draining away its vitality. At that time illegal slave trading was still rife. But, to others, the same dots on the same maps were already being reimagined as beacons of light, outposts of civiliza- tion, and as beachheads for an army of Christian missionaries eager to make the peoples of Africa conform to their own beliefs and customs. As the anonymous author of West-African Sketches wrote in 1824, ‘The present may be the time decreed by the counsels of the Most High for the ray to go forth which is to enlighten those who sit in darkness, and through the medium of a small British colony on the shores of that vast continent . . . the beam shall pierce the inmost recesses of superstition and idolatry.’ Introduction Within a generation of the ending of the legal British slave trade in 1807, the Castle had become one of the advance posts of the sustained and, in human as well as financial terms, costly British policy of ending the slave trade both in West Africa and round the world — an enterprise that can still be seen, even by the most cynical, as among the least ambiguous examples of national altruism in history. The memory of one early-nineteenth-century governor, George Maclean, who promoted peace, schools, and economic development in the locality, is still honored in the Castle, where he is buried. In late Victorian times it was Robert Baden-Powell, who, as a result of his experiences in what had then become the colony of the Gold Coast, founded the Boy Scouts, an organization that aimed to persuade young people to adopt the ideals recommended to Victorian officers and gentlemen. And in the 1950s A. W. Lawrence, a professor of classical archaeology at Cambridge University, then director of the National Museum and Monuments in the Gold Coast, wrote The Trade Castles and Forts of West Africa. Inspired by the pioneering researches on the European castles in the Middle East made by his brother T. E. Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia), A. W. Lawrence and his colleagues ensured that Cape Coast Castle and the other castles and forts were surveyed, photographed, and in many cases preserved and restored, as an enduring testimony to the era of direct British involvement in the government of Ghana that was then drawing to a close. 20000 For a century and a half after the legal British slave trade was brought to an end British historians ignored, downplayed, or brushed aside the slaving era as a regrettable preliminary to the glorious British Christian imperialism that followed. It was a small step to suggest that the trade had not been so bad after all. Mary Kingsley, for example, who visited the Castle and its slave dungeons The Door of No Return in late Victorian times, thought abolition had been ‘a grave mistake.’ W. Walton Claridge, a colonial medical official, who in 1915 wrote a two-volume History of the Gold Coast, still occasionally referred to as the standard work, devoted only about 200 pages out of 1,300 to the slaving era. ‘Most of the hysterical nonsense that was written at the time of the agitation for the abolition of the trade,’ Claridge wrote, ‘consisted of gross exaggerations of isolated cases of abuse.’ As recently as 1952 W. E. F. Ward, who had also lived in the country and was also both knowledgeable and sympathetic, wrote in his own History of the Gold Coast that Claridge’s ‘great work’ could not be superseded. Every modern generation rediscovers the horrors of the ‘middle passage,’ the five- or six-week voyage of the slaving vessels from Africa to the Americas during which many enslaved Africans (and crew members) died. In recent years, however, much careful historical research has been published on many other aspects of the slave trade, including the nature and history of indigenous slavery in Africa, the other oceanic and land slave trades, the impact of the exchange of pathogens and illnesses among the three continents, the effects of the migrations out of Africa on African and on American societies, and the contribution of the slave trade to economic development. Since 1999 it has been possible to consult an electronic database of over 27,000 transatlantic slave voyages, thought to include about 75, percent of the total, compiled by a team of scholars from the archives of many countries. According to Bernard Bailyn, one of the modern school of historians who study oceanic exchanges, the impact of the publication of this database, with the opportunities for research that it has opened up, can be compared to that of the Hubble telescope on our understanding of the universe. With the main outlines now established, those who dare to write face another problem. How can we escape from the assumptions about the relative value of human lives, European and African,