The Development of Racial Solidarity in the Armed Forces Alvin J. Schexnider Journal ofBlack ...

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The Development ofRacial Solidarity in the ArmedForces
STOR
AlvinJ. Schexnider
Journal ofBlackStudies, Volume 5, Issue4 (Jun., 1975), 415-435.
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THE DEVELOPMENT OF RACIAL
SOLIDARITY IN THE
ARMED FORCES
ALVIN J. SCHEXNIDER
DepartmentofPoliticalScience
Syracuse University
This paper derives from an attempt toexamine the existence
of race-conscious behavior among black enlisted men in the
U.S. Army. The study considered racial solidarity as the
dependent variable and then proceeded to evaluate the
independent causal factors of attitudes acquired by the
subjects prior to military service and attitudes acquired
duringmilitary service.
Race consciousness in the armed services was most
apparent during the late 1960s-roughly the same period of
increased militance among civilian blacks. Additionally, race
consciousness among black troops manifested itselfatatime
when race relations in the military were on a downward
trend. The difficulties involved in establishing whichwas the
greater influence, conditions in the military or those in the
rest of society, are enormousand given the limitations ofthe
research design employed for this study, one must be
cautious in such inferences. Nonetheless, the military experi-
ence appears to have had some influence in engendering race
consciousness among black servicemen. Thisbehaviorwe will
call racial solidarity. It is defined as an effort by black
JOURNALOF BLACKSTUDIES,Vol.5 No.4,June 1975
©1975Sage Publications, Inc.
[415]
[4161 JOURNAL OF BLACKSTUDIES/JUNE1975
soldiers to stimulate identity and cohesion among themselves
as a political lever againstinformal discrimination and also as
ameans ofproviding social support.
The demise of the civil rights movement was closely
followed by efforts to create a new political force variously
described as BlackPower.' The former movement waslargely
a social protest strategy which sought equal access to all
institutions in the society bymeans of racial integration. The
civil rights struggle drew upon the human and economic
resources of blacks and whites who coalesced to eliminate
racial barriers in the society.
Black Powerin itsbroadest meaningrepresents a conscious
bid for building indigenous political power bases. This
tactical shift requires that whites no longer perform the
leadership and strategy roles which they enjoyed in the civil
rights movement. Simply put, protest is replaced by a
concerted effort to effect change through the political
process. An offshoot of Black Power advocacy is the
rekindling amongAfro-Americans of interest in BlackNation-
alism, perhaps due to the overtones of racial separatism that
were associated with it. Though there has been much recent
discussion of this phenomenon and its variants (e.g., cultural
nationalism, economic nationalism, religious nationalism), it
is not at all new. ElizabethFerguson in anarticlepublishedin
1938 attempted to transcend concepts of particularistic
forms of nationalism. Instead she sought to develop a single
underlying concept with which to address the race situation
and- its concomitant effects on blacks in the United States
(Ferguson, 1938: 32):
Race consciousnesshas been defined as a collective sentiment in
which race becomes the object of loyalty and idealization.
Through race consciousness the members of a race become a
historic group, acquiring apast, aware of a present, and aspiring
to a future. Race consciousness is essentially a characteristic of
minority groups, more specifically,ofoppressedminority groups,
and takes the form of a feeling of solidarity (my underscore)
Schexnider/RACIALSOLIDARITY INARMEDFORCES [4171
among group members. It has been studied as manifested in
immigrantgroups in the United States, but notas manifested by
Negroes, where the sentiment is usually intense due to thelarger
number ofNegroesandthe greaterdiscrimination theysuffer.
The signal importance of Ferguson's effortis itsattempt to
arrive ata concept of group sentiment based upon race which
transcends narrow definitions (integrationist, separatist, and
the like) designed to highlightparticular forms whichare not
representative of the full spectrum of black race-conscious-
ness. This is importantbecause blackpeople arenotnow, and
neverhave been asocial,political, or economicmonolith. For
example, arguments to define and portrayBlackNationalism
as a monolithic feeling among blacks has often occurred at
the expense of masking or ignoring alternate and equally
important types of race-conscious behavior. Bracey (1971:
261), apparently attempting to avoid these gross simplifica-
tions, has singled out racial solidarity as "The simplest or
leastintense form ofracial or ethnic feelingthat canbe called
blacknationalism."
The findings reported here are the result of an attemptto
identify the sources and expressions of race consciousness
among a subgroup of the American population: the black
enlisted man in the army. What emerges is a phenomenon
which Ihave described asracial solidarity. To be sure,today's
black soldiers may wear more than one hat, both on and off
the battle field: however, in many-instances it is clear that
racial solidarity is a common denominator which cuts across
the independent variables of rank, military occupation,
region, education, and other military and civilian demo-
graphiccharacteristics.
HISTORICALPERSPECTIVE ON BLACK
PARTICIPATION IN THE MILITARY
In spite of the conditions of racial stratification in
American society, blacks have participated in each of this
[418] JOURNAL OFBLACKSTUDIES/JUNE 1975
country's wars (Quarles, 1964, 1969; Leckie, 1967; Moskos,
1966, 1970; Stillman, 1968; Williams, 1972). Until 1948
however, the U.S. ArmedForces maintained apolicy ofracial
segregation. As members of a segregated military, black
servicemen were confined chiefly toservice and,support units
rather than combat outfits. President HarryS. Truman's edict
ordering desegregation of the military changed all ofthis and
his directive was enhanced by the outbreak of the Korean
Conflict (Bogart, 1969: 11-12). Consequently, this new
policy was implemented prior to Brown versus The Topeka
Board of Education in 1954. By 1956, the color line had
been erased throughout- all four branches of the armed
services.
As a result of the new policy of racial integration, the
armed services, particularly the army, began to emerge asan
organization in which blacks could avail themselves of
opportunities for personal advancement which did not exist
in the civilian community. Black military participation
increased for two major reasons: first, because quotas were
eliminated, and second, because themilitary came to enjoy a
rather favorable image as an avenue of upward mobility for
blacks.
It was not until the late 1960s that the military experi-
enced a noticeable decline in its race relations. Tensions
between black and white enlisted men invariably resulted in
sharp racial cleavages (NAACP, 1971;Nordlie, 1972;Boruset
al., 1972). Of much greater importance, however, is the fact
that the experiences of the black troopsengenderedstronger
feelings ofrace consciousness. Independent of racial conflict
with whites, and perhaps in some instances because of it,
black soldiers internalized the effects of their military
experiences and moved toward creating stronger bonds as
evidence of their increasing race consciousness (Schexnider,
1972).
Racial solidarity vis-a-vis black enlisted men acknowledges
the likelihood that black malesenterthe service withvarying
Schexnider /RACIALSOLIDARITY IN ARMED FORCES [4191
levels of perception (consciousness) of themselves and the
larger world ofwhich they are necessarily a part. Moreover,
we proceed on the assumption that military life generally
does not constitute an oppressive condition but that where
informal discrimination exists black servicemen are likely to
maximize racial ties to combat it.' Finally, our notion of
racial solidarity is cognizant of the need for social support-
simply put, the need to be with the brothers. It is posited
that this latter need derives from feelings of anxiety and
powerlessness which many blacks may experience during
their first encounter withlarge, white, alienatingbureaucratic
organizations.
THE RESEARCH DESIGN
Data for this study were collected between December
1972 and March 1973 at three army installations: one
Southern and one Western postintheUnited States, and one
in New Ulm, West Germany.An earlier investigation into the
existence and meaning of symbols ofsolidarity tookplace in
September 1971 and these data are presented for compara-
tive purposes. The data are based on direct observation,
participant observation, and from interviews with 124 black
enlisted men. Respondents at the Southern post were
selected from three units which were not constrained by a
training schedule. Accordingly, these men werenot randomly
chosen. Random samples were drawn from black enlisted
populationsattheposts in the Westand inGermany. At both
locations, lists ofnames and ranks were compiled and every
nth individual (third, fifth, seventh, and so on) was selected
for interview. While it is likely that some error entered into
the selection process, every effort was made to achieve a
representative sampling and thereby reduce both selection
and interviewer bias (Schuman and Converse, 1971: 44-68).
Clearly, the most reliable way oftesting the development of
racial solidarity in the army would have been through the
[420] JOURNAL OF BLACKSTUDIES/ JUNE 1975
employment of a longitudinal or panelresearch design. Time
and financial restrictions militated against such an approach,
however.
The aim ofthisstudywas to examine the existence ofrace
consciousness among black enlisted men in the Army. The
investigation confirmed its existence and revealed that racial
solidarity is a function of two principal factors: (1) attitudes
toward integration which ensue from what the subjects
perceive as a disequilibrated social system; and (2) the need
for social support amongthe subjects, many ofwhom for the
first time find themselves in a large, white, and alienating
bureaucratic organization.
ATTITUDINAL DIMENSIONS
The black soldier's expectations with regard tobothinter-
and intraracial experience greatly influence his reaction to
military life. Most of the subjects entered the military with
moderately favorable views on black-white relations and high
expectations of service life. These men were basically
achievement-oriented and entered the service with the hope
of acquiring some level of respectable training or some type
of marketable skill, ostensibly for later use in civilian life.
Accordingly, when actual interracial relations as well as
career achievement did not comport with theseexpectations,
normative assumptions about reality often were realigned.
Several indicators ofpremilitary expectations are instructive.
The respondents registered 75% agreement with the state-
ment "Before I came into the service I expected that there
would be equal opportunity for all servicemen." On the
questionofinterpersonal relations, 67% agreedthat "Before I
came into the service I felt that there should be more close
contacts between Blacks and whites.113
Finally, one of the questions in the survey instrument
asked the respondents to subjectively state what kind of
impact, ifany, had the armyexperience had on theirthinking
Schexnider /RACIAL SOLIDARITY IN ARMEDFORCES [4211
as black men. As Table 1 indicates, most of the respondents
(62 of 101) feel that the army experience has made them
more racially aware. While most respondents continue to
identify themselves as integrationists rather than separatists,
it is evident that separatist identification is most common
among those who report an increase in consciousness. More
than a third (37%) of the men in the latter category identify
themselves as separatists, while only 15% ofthose in the "No
Change" category do so.
Another major factor whichstimulates the development of
racial solidarity among the troops is theirfeltneed for social
support. Clearly, the overwhelming majority of the service-
men interviewed and observed were inclined to spend much
time together. This situation obtained at all three locations
independent oftheprevailingracial climate. For example, the
post in the West enjoyed the best race relations ofthe three.
This is evident from the fact that 72% of therespondents at
this installation disagreed that "Blacks and Whites should
only mix together while working on the job." Yet 76% of
these men reported that "Most ofmy off-duty time isspent
with black servicemen." Perhaps the best statement of the
meaning of this desire ofblacks to get together is expressed
bya blackenlisted man stationed at this same post:
TABLE 1
ImpactOf TheArmy ExperienceOn Black Men
(in percentages)
Self-PerceptionsOf Race Consciousness
Self-Identification MoreAware No Change Totals
Stillintegrationist (39) 63% (33) 85% 72
Nowseparatist (23) 37 (6) 15 29
Totals 62 39 101
NOTE: The responses to these items were obtained only at the post in the
Western United States and on the Kaserne in New Ulm, West Germany. The
question posed to the respondentswas"What kind ofthinking, ifany, hasbeing
in the Army had on your thinking as a Black man?" While most of the men
registered an increase in consciousnesslevel(moreaware),ofthis groupthey were
more likely tobeintegrationist (63%) than separatist (37%).
[4221 JOURNAL OF BLACKSTUDIES/ JUNE 1975
The brothers naturally want to talk toeach other, especially the
kids justin from theblock. . . .We talk ourstreet talk,thewhites
can't understand,they think we're plotting or laughing at them.
That's crazy, man. Probably, we're talkingabout our last leave,
some music.When we laugh, we'renotlaughing at them.
The "naturalness" of blacks' propensity to socialize with
each other often is overlooked, as whites anticipate a
race-conscious threat to their dominant statusinthesociety.
This "overreaction" has its consequences. Negative white
reactions to blacks congregating in barracks, mess halls, or
recreation areas appear to the latter as racist and therefore
further inducement to heightened blacksolidarity.
SYMBOLSOF RACIAL SOLIDARITY
The most visible and potent indicators of racial solidarity
among black servicemen are the expressive symbols which
they have developed to exemplify their race consciousness.
The symbols are of two types: argotor implicit symbols, and
gestures and physical objects which are explicit symbols.
Argot is more subtle as a form of symbolic language. The
subjects usually do not make a consciouseffortto employ it
in a purposefully symbolic way..It simply emerges from the
natural setting; however, its meaning may intensify in
relationship to the levelof existing tensions.
Explicit symbols are more overtand deliberate in theiruse.
They are designed forpurposes ofpromotingracial solidarity.
The hours that are required for a man to construct an
intricate wristband made of combat shoestrings is Certainly
calculated to convey a message. Symbols of solidarity,
whether implicit or explicit, act as powerful organs of
communication.
Argot: ImplicitSymbolsof Solidarity
Argot or institutional lingo are important in that they
serve as the meansby whichthesubjects themselves verbalize
Schexnider /RACIALSOLIDARITY IN ARMEDFORCES [4231
the events that are crucially important in their world. Some
of the most creative examples ofargot can be found in the
prison socialization literature (Grosser, 1968: 298-307; Sykes
and Messinger, 1971: 77-85). Having emanated from the field
experience theymay be used asdata,especially since they are
provided by the subjects themselves, in their world as they
perceive it.
Some of the argot used by black soldiers are biracial, that
is to say, it is usedby and applied to blacks and whites alike.
Lifers, for example, are soldiers, either senior noncommis-
sioned officers (NCOs) or officers who have committed
themselves to an army career. Soldiers who are overly
enthusiastic about military life in general are usually de-
scribed as being gung-ho. Another example is shamming, a
term which describes an individual's continued ability to
avoid performing his job without incurring the wrath of his
supervisor and minus any serious threat to career advance-
ment.
Some argot, however, are used exclusively by black
enlisted men and therefore are more clearly identified with
race consciousness or prejudicial feelings against whites.
Brother Me or Black is the idealized black soldier who is
always loyal and trustworthy. Brother Me is usually highly
respected by fellow blacks while some white NCOs and
officers are prone to utilize his informal capacity tomediate
racial conflict and reduce instances of racial confrontation.
On some posts, however, black enlisted men refer to each
other as "Brother Me," but despite the commonality of
appellation one or two ofthese men can usually beidentified
as the idealized informal leader ofthe group.Firing-up means
inflicting bodily harm on a soldier, usually a white who is
perceived as having said or done something racist: "the
smallest thing they do to me, even on the basketball court,
makes me want to `fire them up' for the things that have
been going on. In the outside world there are too many of
them but here (in the Army) we can see through the white
man."