The Critique of Psychology From Kant to Postcolonial Theory Thomas Teo York University Toronto, Canada Library of Congress Control Number: 2005923747 ISBN-10: 0-387-25355-6 e-ISBN 0-387-25356-4 Printed on acid-free paper. ISBN-13: 978-0-387-25355-8 © 2005 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This work may not be translated or copied in whole or in part without the written permission of the publisher (Springer Science+Business Media, Inc., 233 Spring Street, New York, NY10013, USA), except for brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis. Use in connection with any form of information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed is forbidden. The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they are not identified as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are subject to proprietary rights. Printed in the United States of America. (SBI/MVY) 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 springeronline.com What is founded on nature grows and increases, while what is founded on opinion varies. FRANCISBACON(1561–1626) But is psychology founded on nature? Preface and Acknowledgments What contributes to the development of the discipline of psychology? Traditional answers suggest that it is new empirical evidence. However, a closer look at the history of psychology over the last two hundred years indicates that the accumulation of facts, problem solutions, induction, and the explanation of anomalies play only supporting roles. Indeed, studies on the social, political, and economic factors that have shaped the disci- pline have contributed significantly to an understanding of the theoreti- cal and practical dynamics of psychology. With the shift to externalist explanations, problem-oriented historical and theoretical analyses have fallen out of grace. However, if one agrees with Gould’s (1996) statement that “science moves forward as much by critiquing the conclusions of oth- ers as by making novel discoveries” (p. 25), then an analysis of the history of the critique of psychology becomes central. Thus, the focus in this book is not on socio-historical contexts, but on arguments, more specifically, critical arguments, regarding the problems of mainstream psychology at different stages of its development—a critique that has been combined often, but not always, with a vision for a better psychology and the prom- ise to solve the theoretical, methodological, and practical problems of the discipline. Such a program requires emphasizing the logic, structure, and flow of rhetoric, which takes on an important function in psychology’s history and contributes to an understanding of the modifications of the mainstream but also the margins. Afocus on arguments does not mean that socio-historical traditions are not important. On the contrary, external dimensions are significant for recognizing changes, but they are not the center of attention in the following reconstructions. Enough material has been accumulated that allows for a history of the critique of psychology since the second half of the 18th century. Thus, the idea that the critique of psychology is an intellectual movement that emerged only in the last forty years in Europe and in North America, and is based on a postmodern spirit, should be rejected. All selected critiques vii viii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS of psychology in this book share dissatisfaction with the dominant views of psychology at a certain time, but they have endorsed different, even contradictory epistemologies, ontologies, and ethical-political world- views. The proposed systematic history and theory of the critique of psy- chology can only provide a brief snapshot of some of those influential and multifaceted critiques and arguments. A history of the critique of psychology could distinguish between critiques that have been successful from those that have been influential. Successmight be defined in terms of critiques that have led to a change of the whole discipline, whereas influentialmight mean that discourses have shaped reflections and practices of groups of psychologists. The book cov- ers both dimensions in discussing critiques that have been successful such as Kant’s and, even more clearly, the natural–scientific critique of psy- chology in the 19th century, and in presenting and reflecting on influen- tial critiques such as the human–scientific, Marxist, feminist, postmodern, and postcolonial critiques of psychology, which have inaugurated new research programs in psychology but have never formed the mainstream. This book does not address whether certain critiques should or should not have been influential, or how these critiques should be ranked or evalu- ated. This is a metatheoretical task left to the reader. The history and theory of the critique of psychology is intended as a positive project, performed not for the sake of constructing problems, but in order to provide intellectual tools that help to develop the discipline of psychology. Critiques have shaped the field, are changing the discipline, and will continue to be relevant to the future of psychology. Critics have an important role to play when they identify faults in the discipline, and some of them provide ideas how psychology’s shortcomings can be over- come. Certainly, it is not beneficial to any discipline to ignore and repress its faults, with the hope that they will take care of themselves. It is an intellectual obligation to point out in an honest and open reflection that psychology may be submerged in problems, even when no solutions are provided, rather than assuming apriori that psychology is doing just fine. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The book contains arguments and summaries of some of my research over the last few years, literature overviews, new and original research, and, hopefully, innovative perspectives. Some chapters contain summaries and adaptations of previously published material by me. Despite sub- stantial revisions, some ideas presented in Chapter 2 were originally pub- lished by me as “Functions of Knowledge in Psychology” in New Ideas in PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix Psychology(Vol. 17, no 1, pp.1-15). I thank the publisher Elsevier for grant- ing permission to reproduce part of that material (copyright © 1999 by Elsevier). Parts of my 2002 article “Friedrich Albert Lange on Neo- Kantianism, Socialist Darwinism, and a Psychology without a Soul” in the Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 38, 285-301, were used for Chapter 4. John Wiley & Sons has permitted me to reuse that material (copyright © 2002 by Wiley). Portions of my chapter “Karl Marx and Wilhelm Dilthey on the Socio-Historical Conceptualization of the Mind” in the book edited by C. Green, M.Shore, and T. Teo, The Transformation of Psychology: Influences of 19th-Century Philosophy, Technology and Natural Science (pp. 195-218), Washington, DC, American Psychological Association, were used in Chapters 5 and 6. Those parts were adapted with permission (copyright © 2001 by the American Psychological Association). Parts of my article “Klaus Holzkamp and the Rise and Decline of German Critical Psychology in the journal History of Psychology” (Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 235-253) were summarized in Chapter 6. Those parts were adapted by permission (copyright © 1998 by the Educational Publishing Foundation). Chapter 9 contains summaries of my book chapter “The Historical Problematization of ‘Mixed Race’ in Psychological and Human-Scientific Discourses” in A. Winston’s edited bookDefining Difference: Race and Racism in the History of Psychology(pp. 79- 108), Washington, DC, American Psychological Association. Those parts were adapted by permission (copyright © 2004 by the American Psychological Association). Selections of my and Angela Febbraro’s article “Ethnocentrism as a Form of Intuition in Psychology,” originally pub- lished in the Theory and Psychology (Vol.13, pp. 673-694) and used in Chapter 9, were adapted and reprinted by permission of Sage Publications (copyright © 2003 by Sage Publications). I appreciate the per- mission given by all these publishers. However, it is important to note that the chapters in this book do not contain simple reprints of these arti- cles but assimilate and accommodate ideas of those publications into this book. Readers concerned with copyright issues should compare the orig- inal and the adapted material. The book is my sole responsibility, which also means that presenta- tions and misrepresentations are my fault. I am grateful to the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council for providing a Standard Research Grant that covered costs associated with parts of the research. I would like to thank Angela Febbraro for her useful and critical comments on the manuscript, especially Chapter 7. I appreciate the many fruitful dis- cussions that I have hadwith my students over the last several years, espe- cially in the undergraduate course Theories of Human Nature, and in the graduate course Historical and Theoretical Foundations of Contemporary x PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Psychologyat York University. I particularly express my gratitude to Jason Goertzen and Leeat Granek for their valuable editorial work and for com- piling the indexes for this volume. THOMASTEO Contents CHAPTER 1. ONTHEHISTORIOGRAPHYOFTHECRITIQUE OFPSYCHOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 CHAPTER 2. METATHEORYANDTHECRITIQUEOFPSYCHOLOGY . . . . 19 Psychological Perspectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Psychology as a Problematic Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 CHAPTER 3. KANTANDEARLY19THCENTURYCRITICS OFPSYCHOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Kant’s Critique of Rational and Empirical Psychology . . . . . 41 Early 19th Century Critics of Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 CHAPTER 4. THENATURAL-SCIENTIFICCRITIQUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Lange’s Critique of Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 The Problem of Speculation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Controversies in Natural-Scientific Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . 72 CHAPTER 5. THEHUMAN-SCIENTIFICCRITIQUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Dilthey’s Rejection of Natural-Scientific Psychology . . . . . . . 78 The German-Speaking Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 The English-Speaking Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 CHAPTER 6. THEMARXISTCRITIQUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Karl Marx’s Critique of Philosophical Psychology . . . . . . . . . 94 Vygotsky’s Critique of Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 xi xii CONTENTS Holzkamp’s Critique of Traditional Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . 101 French Reflections . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 CHAPTER 7. THEFEMINISTCRITIQUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 The Feminist Critique of Science . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Critique of the Psychological Subject Matter andIts Relevance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Challenges to Subject Matter, Relevance, and Methodology . . 124 Reflections on Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 CHAPTER 8. THEPOSTMODERNCRITIQUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 The End of Metanarratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 The Problem of Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 Subject and Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 Ethics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Aesthetics and “Liberation” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 CHAPTER 9. THEPOSTCOLONIALCRITIQUE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 The Problem of Ontology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 The Epistemological Argument . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162 Scientific Racism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Hidden Neo-Colonial Thinking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 The Problem with Problematization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 An Example of a Postcolonial Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 CHAPTER10. REFLECTIONSONTHEETHICAL-POLITICALCHARACTER OFPSYCHOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Models for the Science-Politics Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Evaluative Scenarios for the Science-Politics Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 Facts and Decisions in the Human and Natural Sciences and Political Affordances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 Truth, Politics and an Ethical-Political Psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 NOTES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 NAMEINDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 SUBJECTINDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 1 On the Historiography of the Critique of Psychology Why has a systematic history of the critique of psychology never been written? If one follows the distinction between traditionalandcriticalhis- tories of psychology, the reasons will be very different.1Traditional histo- rians have no interest in focusing on the deficits of psychology because their attention belongs to the successes of the discipline. Critical or new histories have not attended to the history of the critique of psychology because of a skepticism towards intellectual history, which does not require working in archives, because it would make theoretical compe- tence as important as historical knowledge, and because it would make critical histories of psychology themselves part of the history of the cri- tique of psychology. It is necessary to clarify this terminology before these arguments can be reflected upon. Traditional historians of psychology have focused on contributorsto the discipline and their innovations in theory, methodology, and research. Persons, individuals, or great menhave been studied as significant in shap- ing the outlook of the field. From such a perspective these individuals can be labeled accurately as great psychologists (R.I. Watson & R. B. Evans, 1991) or pioneersof psychology (Fancher, 1996). Other historians have elucidated the 1