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Acknowledgments i THE CRIMINALIZATION OF MIGRATION mcgill-queen’s refugee and forced migration studies Series editors: Megan Bradley and James Milner Forced migrationis a local, national, regional,and globalchallenge with pro- found political and social implications. Understanding the causes and conse- quencesof, and possible responses to,forced migration requires careful analy- sis from a range of disciplinary perspectives, as well as interdisciplinary dialogue. The purpose of the McGill-Queen’s Refugee and Forced Migration Studies series is to advance in-depth examination of diverse forms, dimensions,and experiences of displacement, including in the context of conflict and violence, repression and persecution,anddisasters and environmental change. The series will explore responses to refugees, internal displacement,and other forms of forced migration to illuminate the dynamics surrounding forced migration in global, national,and local contexts, including Canada, the perspectives of dis- placed individuals and communities, and the connections to broader patterns of human mobility.Featuring research from fields including politics, interna- tional relations, law, anthropology, sociology, geography,and history, the series highlightsnew and critical areas of enquiry within the field, especially conver- sations across disciplines and from the perspective of researchers in the global South, where the majority of forced migration unfolds. The series benefits from an international advisory board made up of leading scholars in refugee and forced migration studies. 1 The Criminalization of Migration Context and Consequences Edited by Idil Atak and James C. Simeon preface iii The Criminalization of Migration Context and Consequences . EDITED BY IDIL ATAK AND JAMES C SIMEON McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston •London •Chicago iv preface © McGill-Queen’s University Press 2018 isbn978-0-7735-5445-0(cloth) isbn978-0-7735-5446-7(paper) isbn978-0-7735-5563-1(epdf) isbn978-0-7735-5564-8(epub) Legal deposit fourth quarter 2018 Bibliothèque nationale du Québec Printed in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free (100% post-consumer recycled), processed chlorine free This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Funding has also been received from Ryerson University and York University. We acknowledge the support of the Canada Council for the Arts, which last year invested $153million to bring the arts to Canadians throughout the country. Nous remercions le Conseil des arts du Canada de son soutien. L’an dernier, le Conseil a investi 153millions de dollars pour mettre de l’art dans la vie des Canadiennes et des Canadiens de tout le pays. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication The criminalization of migration : context and consequences / edited by Idil Atak and James C. Simeon. (McGill-Queen’s refugee and forced migration studies ; 1) Includes bibliographical references and index. Issued in print and electronic formats. isbn978-0-7735-5445-0 (cloth). – isbn978-0-7735-5446-7 (paper). – isbn978-0-7735-5563-1 (epdf). – isbn978-0-7735-5564-8 (epub) 1.Refugees – Government policy – Canada. 2.Human rights – Canada. 3.Emigration and immigration law – Canada. I. Atak, Idil, editor II. Simeon, James C., editor III.Series:McGill-Queen’s refugee and forced migration studies ; 1 hv640.4.c3c75 2018 305.9'06914 c2018-903628-1 c2018-903629-x This book was typeset by True to Type in 10.5/13Sabon preface v Contents Foreword:Protecting the Human Rights of Migrants as Part of a Long-Term Strategic Vision on Mobility and Diversity vii François Crépeau Preface xi James C. Simeon and Idil Atak Introduction: The Criminalization of Migration: Context and Consequences 3 Idil Atak and James C. Simeon PART ONE THE CRIMINALIZATION OF MIGRATION AND ITS INTENDED AND UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES 1 The (Mis-)Uses of Analogy: Constructing and Challenging Crimmigration in Canada 37 Graham Hudson 2 Treating the Symptom, Ignoring the Cause: Recent People- Smuggling Developments in Canada and Around the World 71 Angus Grant 3 Anti-Trafficking and Exclusion: Reinforcing Canadian Boundaries through Human Rights Discourse 92 Julie Kaye PART TWO THE CRIMINALIZATION AND THE EXCLUSION OF REFUGEES IN CANADA AND ABROAD 4 Recent Jurisprudential Trends in the Interpretation of Complicity in Article 1F(a) Crimes 119 Nancy Weisman 5 An Analysis of Post-Ezokola and JS Jurisprudence on Exclusion 138 Lorne Waldman and Warda Shazadi Meighen vi Contents 6 The Interpretation of Exclusion 1F(b) of the 1951Refugee Convention Internationally and in Canada 168 Joseph Rikhof PART THREE CRIMMIGRATION RESPONSES TO “MIGRATION CRISES”: HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES 7 Attrition through Enforcement and the Deportations of Syrians from Jordan and Turkey 193 Petra Molnar 8 Is the US Gaming Refugee Status for Central Americans? A Study of the Refugee Status Determination Process for Central American Women and Their Children 226 Galya Ben-Arieh 9 A Population Takes Flight: The Irish Famine Migration in Boston, Montreal, and Liverpool, and the Politics of Marginalization and Criminalization 257 Dan Horner PART FOUR CRIMINALIZING REFUGEES AND OTHER FORCED MIGRANTS: CURRENT DYNAMICS, FUTURE CHALLENGES, AND PROSPECTS 10 Back to the Future: Shifts in Canadian Refugee Policy Over Four Decades 283 Peter Goodspeed 11 Scoping the Range of Initiatives for Protecting the Employment and Labour Rights of Illegalized Migrants in Canada and Abroad 313 Charity-Ann Hannan and Harald Bauder 12 Progress towards a Common European Asylum System? The Migration Crisis in Europe 340 Judith Gleeson Conclusions: Beyond Context and Consequences: Countering the “Criminalization of Migration” through the Promotion of the Human Rights of Migrants 367 James C. Simeon and Idil Atak Contributors 399 Index 405 Acknowledgments vii FOREWORD Protecting the Human Rights of Migrants as Part of a Long-Term Strategic Vision on Mobility and Diversity François Crépeau The paradox of current migration policies is illustrated by the number of deaths at sea or in deserts. The suffering of so many is a symptom of systemic failings, despite sustained investment in “securitizing” bor- ders. Such policies also speak to how states respond to difference and diversity. As long as the drivers of migration – violence and poverty as push factors, labour needs as pull factors– remain, people will move through porous borders. As is well illustrated in this collection, unless we egre- giously violate the human rights of migrants, “sealing” the border is a fantasy. Resisting mobility is inefficient and costly. Governing it is a better option. Yet, we must understand the individual trajectories and policy dynamics at work. A considerable number of employers are actually calling for more exploitable migrants to come. Migrants are respond- ing to the opportunities of such labour markets and would not come otherwise. By not properly regulating labour markets, by providing very limited opportunities for low-wage migrants in the form of most- ly precarious migration statuses that subject them to human rights and labour rights violations, “we” are at least co-responsible for un- documented migration,which we then criminalize. Moreover, electoral democracies do not know how to “represent” migrants. They are the best system we have ever invented for govern- ing ourselves, but they have a structural limit: if one is not represent- viii François Crépeau ed, one’s rights are not respected, protected, and promoted in the political system. Nationalist populist politicians continue to affirm that migrants steal jobs, create insecurity,or change our values – all assertions that have been proven wrong by social sciences – and to affirm thiswith total impunity, since most mainstream politicians are not taking the electoral risk of picking a fight in favour of persons who are politically non-existent. There are no easy solutions. Mobility and diversity create complex issues that require long-term vision, sophisticated policies, targeted investments,and nuanced discourses. Up to now, with a few exceptions, we have been treated to none of the above, when we urgently need strong integration policies, efficient equality and anti-discrimination mechanisms, effective action against hate speech, access to justice for all, and the active promotion of diversity at all levels. We need to change our collective mind-set. States must accept that they all are involved in migration, as destination, transit, and home countries– most often at the same time. Migrants will come, no mat- ter what, because of push and pull factors. Prohibitions and repressive policies, without regular migration channels for asylum seekers and much-needed low-wage migrants, do not change anything with regard to push and pull factors,and only entrench smuggling operations and underground labour markets, resulting in more deaths at sea and more human rights violations. The testimonies collected in this volume show the toxic, counterproduc- tive,and unsustainable nature of repressive measures when no appro- priate official mobility option is offered. On migration issues, as for the regulation of drugs and alcohol, we must choose the path of harm-reduction rather than zero-tolerance policies. The proper gover- nance of mobility must mean legalization, regulation, and taxation for most migrants. The only way to actually reduce smuggling is to take over the mo- bility market by offering regular, safe, accessible, and affordable mobility solutions, with all the identity and security checks that effi- cient visa regimes can provide. As Kenneth Roth, head of Human Rights Watch, said in September 2015: “if there is a crisis, it is one of politics, not capacity.”1We are fac- ing a crisis of political leadership. There is no getting out of a crisis unless one provides a post-crisis vision. A long-term strategic vision for mobility policies is needed, just as it is for energy, environmental, pub- lic transit, industrial, or other policies. Politicians will need to delin- eate a long-term, human rights-based strategic mobility and diversity Foreword ix policy vision, with precise timelines and accountability benchmarks, to give meaning and direction to the actions currently taken. The main axis of this long-term vision should be the elimination of precariousness in the status of migrants, in order to empower them to fight for their rights, whatever the context: labour market, housing, health care, education, or anti-terrorism. Long-term substantial and collectively shared resettlement policies would go a long way toward responding to the needs of refugees, alle- viating the responsibilities of transit countries, and reassuring host populations that this migration is properly governed. For migrant workers, destination countries should recognize their real labour needs, and facilitate regular migration channels for labour at all wage levels, through many smart visa options. The idea is not to diminish border controls, but to increase them and make them more effective. Offering most foreigners easy access to appropriate travel documents, such as visas for resettlement, visits, family reunification, work, or studies, would allow states to concen- trate their deterrence efforts on the minute percentage of foreigners who really need to be excluded. One key condition, however: we need a sharp increase in the respect of labour conditions in favour of all workers, and the repression of exploitative employers and recruiters. With target 10.7of the 2030Agenda for Sustainable Development, states agreed to “facilitate” migration and mobility in the next fifteen years. This means easing mobility – lowering barriers to migration – and governing it better. It does not mean open borders, but a coordi- nated increase of smart visa and non-visa avenues for migrants at all skill levels and for the resettlement of refugees. The current negotiation of the un Global Compact on Migration could be the opportunity to initiate a fifteen-year “agenda,” comple- mentary to the 2030Agenda for Sustainable Development, with bench- marks and accountability mechanisms. The Zero Draft2of this Glob- al Compact has positively surprised most observers, as the human rights and labour rights of migrants are at the core of the document. One hopes that the momentum will not be lost during the negotia- tions themselves. There is a silver lining. Mobility will eventually come to be cele- brated, thanks to the groundwork done by civil society, the vigilance of the judiciary, improved media reporting, welcoming cities, mobile technologies, the diverse and mobile business community, the open- ness of the youth toward mobility and diversity, and the admirable resilience and courage of migrants themselves.

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