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The Communitarian Constitution PDF

288 Pages·2006·0.86 MB·English
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The Communitarian Constitution This page intentionally left blank The Communitarian Constitution Beau Breslin The Johns Hopkins University Press Baltimore and London ∫ 2004 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published 2004 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper Johns Hopkins Paperbacks edition, 2006 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363 www.press.jhu.edu The Library of Congress has cataloged the hardcover edition of this book as follows: Breslin, Beau, 1966– The communitarian constitution/Beau Breslin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8018-7782-2 (hardcover:acid-free paper) 1. Constitutional law—Philosophy. 2. Separation of powers. 3. Public interest. 4. Common good. 5. Constitutional law—United States—Philosophy. I. Title. K3165.B74 2003 342%001—dc21 2003006213 ISBN 0-8018-8538-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. For Martha and Molly This page intentionally left blank Contents Preface ix 1. Introduction: Communitarianism, Constitutional Visions, and the Anti-Federalist Legacy 1 part i: Toward a Vision of Communitarian Politics 2. Theoretical and Prescriptive Foundations: The Liberal-Communitarian Debate 31 3. Participation, Consensus, and the Common Good: Constructing a Communitarian Polity 78 part ii: The Communitarian Constitution 4. The Constitutionalist Challenge to American Communitarianism 113 5. Communitarian Democracy: In Tension with Constitutional Theory? 150 6. Mixed Constitutionalism and the Communitarian Hope 182 7. Conclusion: The Enduring Constitutional Debate 209 Notes 219 References 251 Index 263 This page intentionally left blank Preface In the spring of 1861, soldiers in the Union army surrounded the Cockeysville, Maryland, farm of John Merryman and arrested him for allegedly participat- ing in the destruction of several railroad bridges west of Baltimore. The Union soldiers were acting on orders from the president of the United States, who earlier that year had suspended the constitutionally protected writ of habeas corpus in an attempt to ‘‘preserve the union.’’ President Lincoln’s extraconsti- tutional act stemmed from the realization that the loss of Maryland would lead to the unraveling of the regime. If the Confederates seized control of Maryland, he was quick to point out, the nation’s capital in Washington would be surrounded by hostile forces. Accordingly, the president ordered his troops to ‘‘arrest, and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes and forms of law, such individuals as [the Union forces] might deem dangerous to the public safety.’’∞ The problem, of course, was that the president was not entrusted with the power to suspend habeas corpus: that authority rested with Congress by virtue of its placement in Article I, Section 9, of the Constitution. Indeed, both Congress and, more importantly, the federal judiciary reacted to the presi- dent’s order by noting that such a violation of our Constitution was unprece- dented. ‘‘The Government of the United States,’’ exhorted Chief Justice Roger Taney, ‘‘is one of delegated and limited powers. It derives its existence and authority altogether from the Constitution, and neither of its branches— executive, legislative, or judicial—can exercise any of the powers of govern- ment beyond those specified and granted.’’≤ The chief justice insisted that the actions of the president were not explicitly granted nor assumed by the constitutional text and thus were inconsistent with the very concept of a written charter. Lincoln, however, was undeterred. Merryman, although by this time largely forgotten in the public scu∆e between the president and the chief justice, was eventually released from prison, but not before Lincoln himself called for the

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Bowling Alone, the title of Robert Putnam's 1995 article (later a bestselling book) perfectly captured a sense of national unease: Somewhere along the way, America had become a nation divided by apathy, and the bonds that held together civil society were disappearing. But while the phrase resonated
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