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The Balance of Power: The System of International Relations, 1648–1815 PDF

415 Pages·1992·40.653 MB·English
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THE BALANCE OF POWER Also by Evan Luard BRITAIN AND CHINA NATIONALITY AND WEALTH *CONFLICT AND PEACE IN THE MODERN INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM THE CONTROL OF THE SEABED *INTERNAT IONAL AGENCIES: The Emerging Framework of Interdependence SOCIALISM WITHOUT THE STATE TYPES OF INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY *THE UNITED NATIONS: How it Works and What it Does *THE MANAGEMENT OF THE WORLD ECONOMY *ECONOMIC RELATIONS AMONG STATES *INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY *A HISTORY OF THE UNITED NATIONS Volume 1: The Years of Western Domination, 1945-1955 Volume 2: The Age of Decolonization, 1955-1965 *THE GLOBALIZATION OF POLITICS *BASIC TEXTS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS *A lso published by Palg rave Macmillan The Balance of Power The System of International Relations, 1648-1815 Evan Luard M MACMILLAN © the estate of Evan Luard 1992 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1s t edition 1992 978-0-333-55046-5 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 33-4 Alfred Place, London WCIE 7DP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published 1992 Published by MACMILLAN ACADEMIC AND PROFESSIONAL LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Luard, Evan, 1926-1991 The balance of power: the system of international relations, 1648-1815. 1. Balance of power, history I. Title 327.11209 ISBN 978-1-349-21929-2 ISBN 978-1-349-21927-8 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-21927-8 Contents List of Tables vi List of Maps vii Preface ix Publishers' Note xvi 1 The Idea of the Balance 1 2 The States 30 3 The Shifting Balance 57 4 Sovereignty 100 5 Status 129 6 Succession 149 7 Territory 174 8 Trade 204 9 Colonies 226 10 Alliances 256 11 Institutions 281 12 Rules 305 Conclusions: The Nature of the System 331 Notes 354 Index 384 v List of Tables 1 Approximate size of armies, 1648-1815 37 2 European wars mainly or partly concerned with succession, 1648-1815 150 3 Patterns of warfare: traditional antagonists, 1648-1815 197 4 Principal international congresses, 1645-1815 291 vi List of Maps 1 The duchies of Schleswig and Holstein 119 2 The expansion of France, 1648-1714 178 3 Europe, 1648 182 4 Europe, 1815 183 5 Territorial changes east of the Rhine, 1648-1721 185 6 The growth of Brandenburg-Prussia, 1648-1772 187 VB Preface It is not the aim of this work to provide a new history of international relations during the period it covers. There already exist a number of excellent diplomatic histories providing accounts, on a chronological basis, of dealings between European states at this time. The aim of the present volume (and of the volumes which are planned to follow it) is to present a more analytical survey of events. While it includes a brief account of the main developments (Chapter 3), most of the book is devoted to examining the ideas, the issues and the institutions which shaped relations among states in this age; and on that basis to consider the character of the system as a whole. There are a number of questions which may legitimately be raised about such an endeavour. The most obvious is: how far are we justified in presupposing that there existed, whether in this period or those which followed, anything that can be described as a "system" at all? Are we not, in making use of that concept, seeking to impose on the history of the period a logic, a pattern, which may not in fact be justified by the haphazard and untidy reality of relationships at the time? This is a pertinent question, to which we shall need to return when we draw conclusions from our survey. For the moment it may be sufficient to note that the idea that there existed a "system" of international relations was undoubtedly current at the time;! and that, in a more general way, commentators and statesmen of the period spoke of the existence of a "society", "commonwealth", or "federation" of states - even that the countries of Europe rep resented a single "republic", linked together by bonds of close intercourse and common interest. The fact that such beliefs were held at all might be regarded as evidence that there existed at least the preconditions for a "system" at this time. Beliefs alone, however, are scarcely enough. If a system existed, it should be demonstrated by actions as well as words: the actions of the states of which it was constituted. But we still need to know how these would demonstrate the existence of a system. In other words, what does the concept of a system imply? Over the past twenty or thirty years a vast literature has developed on the subject of "international systems". Many of these works have been influenced by "systems theory", originally evolved for the analysis of engineering problems2 but later applied by other writers to IX x Preface social and political systems.3 Such writings often sought to analyse relations among states in terms of mechanical systems, employing the terminology appropriate to such systems: inputs, outputs, feedback, negative feedback, parameter values, operational rules, capability variables, homeostatic control and so on.4 There were understand able attractions in this approach. There are undoubtedly inviting analogies to be drawn between the two kinds of system. But the approach begged the crucial initial question: does there exist an international system, and if so what is its nature? It was an initial assumption that there was an international system resembling a mechanical system; that relations among states are therefore governed by predictable forces - based on relative national power and other factors - in the same way that a piece of machinery may be by electrical and other impulses. It thus implied that human beings in a social setting can be expected to act with the reliability and precision of the parts of a machine. And it correspondingly underplayed the effect of intangible factors deriving from the complexities of individ ual decision-making, social relationships and human psychology: factors which cannot easily be allowed for in such an analysis. If this therefore is too restrictive and specialised a use of the concept of system, what better one can be found? What is the minimum meaning to be attached to the idea? First, the concept implies that there must be some interconnected ness between the component parts. An entity which is totally discon nected cannot be part of a "system". Thus a state which has no contact whatever with other states cannot be said to belong to a system of states. This means that one of the matters to be considered in relation to the international system (in this and in later volumes) is what form precisely this connectedness takes. Does it require diplo matic relations, or would military contacts be enough? Is mutual knowledge sufficient, or is mutual understanding also required? This may determine the further question: which states belong to the system; that is, what are its international boundaries? Is it possible for a state to be (as Turkey might be said to have been during the period we are concerned with) partly within the system and partly without? In other words what degree of belongingness is required for a state to be a member of the system? Secondly, within a social system there must be not only intercon nection but communication. Members of a social system are normally influenced not only by the actions of other members but by their words. So, in an international system, the conduct of one state can be

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