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The Arab Nahdah: The Making of the Intellectual and Humanist Movement PDF

268 Pages·2013·1.094 MB·English
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Contents Series Editor’s Foreword vi Acknowledgements ix Preface x Introduction: Perspectives, Paradigms and Parameters 1 1 Contemporary Interpretations of the Nah∂ah: Tradition, Modernity and the Arab Intellectual 12 2 The Reintegration of Pre-modern Christians into the Mainstream of Arabic Literature and the Creation of an Inter-religious Cultural Space 36 3 Guardians of the Pre-modern Arab-Islamic Humanist Tradition: Legends without a Legacy, a Tradition without Heirs 75 4 Language Reform and Controversy: The al-Shartūnīs Respond in Defence of the Pre-modern Humanist Tradition 102 5 Arabism, Patriotism and Ottomanism as Means to Reform 127 6 Arab Intellectuals and the West: Borrowing for the Sake of Progress 159 7 Education, Reform and Enlightened Azharīs 181 8 Enacting Reform: Local Agents, Statesmen, Missionaries and the Evolution of a Cultural Infrastructure 201 Conclusion 224 Bibliography 234 Index 251 This content downloaded from 46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:27:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd vv 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 Series Editor’s Foreword The Edinburgh Studies in Modern Arabic Literature is a new and unique series which will, it is hoped, fill in a glaring gap in scholarship in the field of modern Arabic literature. Its dedication to Arabic literature in the modern period, that is, from the nineteenth century onwards, is what makes it unique among series undertaken by academic publishers in the English- speaking world. Individual books on modern Arabic literature in general or aspects of it have been and continue to be published sporadically. Series on Islamic studies and Arab/Islamic thought and civilisation are not in short supply either in the academic world, but these are far removed from the study of Arabic literature qua literature, that is, imaginative, creative literature as we understand the term when, for instance, we speak of English literature or French literature, etc. Even series labelled ‘Arabic/Middle Eastern Literature’ make no period distinction, extending their purview from the sixth century to the present, and often including non-Arabic literatures of the region. This series aims to redress the situation by focusing on the Arabic literature and criticism of today, stretching its interest to the earliest beginnings of Arab modernity in the nineteenth century. The need for such a dedicated series, and generally for the redoubling of scholarly endeavour in researching and introducing modern Arabic literature to the Western reader has never been stronger. The significant growth in the last decades of the translation of contemporary Arab authors from all genres, especially fiction, into English; the higher profile of Arabic literature interna- tionally since the award of the Nobel Prize for Literature to Naguib Mahfouz in 1988; the growing number of Arab authors living in the Western diaspora and writing both in English and Arabic; the adoption of such authors and others by mainstream, high-circulation publishers, as opposed to the aca- vi This content downloaded from (cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:16 UTC(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0) All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd vvii 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 series editor’s foreword | vii demic publishers of the past; the establishment of prestigious prizes, such as the International Prize for Arabic Fiction (the Arabic Booker), run by the Man Booker Foundation, which brings huge publicity to the shortlist and winner every year, as well as translation contracts into English and other languages – all this and very recently the events of the Arab Spring have heightened public, let alone academic, interest in all things Arab, and not least Arabic literature. It is therefore part of the ambition of this series that it will increasingly address a wider reading public beyond its natural territory of students and researchers in Arabic and world literature. Nor indeed is the academic readership of the series expected to be confined to specialists in literature in the light of the growing trend for interdisciplinarity, which increasingly sees scholars crossing field boundaries in their research tools and coming up with findings that equally cross discipline borders in their appeal. Studies of the Arab nah∂a (awakening) or renaissance, as it is sometimes called to suggest comparability with the European Renaissance, its main fig- ures, trends, influences, locations, etc. are not in short supply: the nah∂a, dating back to the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and gener- ally associated with the beginnings of increasing contact between Europe and the Arab East, culminating in Napoleon’s conquest of Egypt in 1798, marks the region’s introduction to modern times. Almost every feature of the Arab social and intellectual life of today has its root in the nah∂a, whether by being a continuation of a trend of thought or social or political principle that had its germination in the nah∂a period, or by being one that is resisted today by traditional social forces as a product of the Westernisation process that also started with the nah∂a. But abundant as studies of the nah∂a may appear, we just cannot have enough of them: the nah∂a and its main figures and texts are constantly being revisited, revaluated and reinterpreted, and the present study is a new endeavour in this continuing fascination with the origins of Arab modernity. Abdulrazzak Patel argues that so much attention has been given by generations of scholars to the towering secularist figures of the nah∂a and to European influence in bringing about the Arab awakening, with the result that the more traditional, self-referential, but nonetheless rejuvenating, c urrents of This content downloaded from (cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:16 UTC(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0) All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd vviiii 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 viii | series editor’s foreword the nah∂a and their exponents were largely neglected. This monograph is an attempt at redressing this situation. Rasheed El-Enany Emeritus Professor of Modern Arabic Literature University of Exeter This content downloaded from (cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:16 UTC(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0) All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd vviiiiii 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 Acknowledgements In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. Above all, I am thankful to Allah, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Universe, who despite numerous setbacks instilled in me the motivation to pursue my research and helped to fulfil my dreams. I wish to express my indebtedness and appreciation to all staff and col- leagues in the Oriental Institute at the University of Oxford for their kind- ness and diligent efforts to provide a conducive atmosphere for research and learning. In particular, I would like to mention my two mentors Clive Holes and Nadia Jamil for their constant support and encouragement. The pursuit of my book would not have been possible without the gen- erous financial support that I have received on fellowships at Oxford from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). To these institutions, and to the persons involved, I address my sincere thanks. I am also grateful to Rasheed El-Enany, the series editor, for his valuable assistance and guidance through the preparation of this book, and to the staff at EUP, especially Nicola Ramsey and Michelle Houston, for their care and help which lasted from first commissioning to final product. It has been a pleasure to work with EUP. To my family and friends, it would be impossible to give back the years of patience and solitude which allowed me to concentrate on my research. But I can and do express my gratitude and affection. The dedication of this study to you is but a small token of my appreciation for your devotion, sacrifices and infinite forbearance. ix This content downloaded from (cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:36 UTC(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0)(cid:0) All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd iixx 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 Preface This book is about one of the most important periods in the develop- ment of Arabic thought and culture. The later part of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the Arab world is generally associated with the nah∂ah: the ‘Renaissance or Awakening’ of Arabic literature and thought under Western influence. The actual origins and development of the nah∂ah movement remains a matter of controversy, but what is clear is that the broad use of the term implies an awareness of the dynamic process of social, cultural and political change that the Arab region underwent during the nineteenth century. One may also talk in broader terms about other modes of reform (i‚lāª) in the Arab and Muslim world in this period. There were parallel movements of resurgence (Wahhābīyah, Sanūsīyah, Mahdīyah) in the Arabian Peninsula and North Africa that operated within the Islamic histori- cal tradition of non-modern renewal (tajdīd) and revival (iªyā’), and vibrant reform movements in the Maghreb and elsewhere linked to Ottoman central power and its intellectuals. In contrast to movements of Islamic resurgence, however, the nah∂ah can be understood as a vast intellectual and cultural movement of renewal, involving both Christians and Muslims, secular and religious reformers. Geographically, moreover, the countries mainly associ- ated with the nah∂ah, at least in its early phases (early to mid-1800s), are Egypt and Greater Syria, including Lebanon. Although there is no rigid date marking the end of the nah∂ah, sources generally concur that it had ended by the First World War or at the latest by 1920. Since then, any attempt at reju- venating Arab-Islamic thought has become so inextricably tied to the nah∂ah that it continues to dominate much of the contemporary Arab-Islamic dis- course on tradition and modernity.1 The story of the nah∂ah, however, remains to be written. Not only do x This content downloaded from 46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:37 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd xx 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 preface | xi we lack a comprehensive account in English of the nah∂ah, but the research to date has focused too exclusively on the contribution of external forces at the expense of important internal factors, which – together with an undue emphasis on certain thinkers – has painted a confused and incomplete picture of the rise and development of the whole movement. Established studies have approached the nah∂ah and its intellectuals from modernisation-influenced perspectives, and have focused almost exclusively on those thinkers and movements that accepted ideas coming from the West, while ignoring those who either did not or tried to incorporate them within a framework of their own cultural values. Consequently, modernisation theory has greatly influ- enced most subsequent studies, which have served largely to support these early findings. Moreover, the narrow focus on certain thinkers has meant that many of their close associates and contemporaries, who were equally concerned with the reform of their societies but pursued practical careers over philosophical ones, remain unknown. Such men, linguists, litterateurs and educationalists – whom I refer to as the humanists in this book because of their tendency to focus on the humanities – contributed significantly to the nah∂ah. They were the guardians of Arabic and Islamic tradition, the transmitters of culture, and promoters of learning in general. The uneven emphasis of research to date has therefore failed to capture the complexity and distinctiveness of the nah∂ah and its intellectuals. Based on an extensive study of original sources in Arabic, this book hopes to address a lacuna in an authoritative and comprehensive account of the nah∂ah, and contribute to a fuller more nuanced understanding of this important period in the development of Arabic thought and culture. Starting in the pre-modern period (c. 1700), this book explores the key fac- tors, both internal and external, that contributed to the rise and development of the nah∂ah, and examines, for the first time, the humanist movement of the period which was the driving force behind much of the linguistic, liter- ary and educational activity. Overall, this book highlights the complexity of the nah∂ah and offers a more pluralist history of the period. In so doing, it departs from a long-established genre of studies that approach the nah∂ah and its intellectuals from modernisation-influenced perspectives, and paves the way for understanding the period and its intellectuals within a much wider context than has hitherto been given to them. At the same time, the This content downloaded from 46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:37 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd xxii 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 xii | preface book deals with a number of important themes, from modern Arab intel- lectual history, literature and culture, to issues of modernity, language and identity, which will allow for significant engagement with the study of the intellectual life and discourse of the nah∂ah as a whole. Note 1. See N. Tomiche, ‘Nah∂a’, EI2, vol. 7, p. 900; Philipp, Gurjī Zaidān, p. 7; Esposito and Voll, Makers of Contemporary Islam, pp. 18–19; Djait, Europe and Islam, pp. 137–8; and Salvatore, Islam, Chapters 4–5, 11 passim. This content downloaded from 46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:37 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd xxiiii 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 Introduction: Perspectives, Paradigms and Parameters This book is an intellectual history dealing with an aspect of Arab-Islamic culture. The first question one must thus raise is with regard to the meaning and nature of intellectual history. What are its main characteristics and central disciplinary concerns? Intellectual history is interdisciplinary in nature and as such intellectual historians do not work on the assumptions of a shared specific method. According to Kelly, primary topics of inquiry include: philosophy, literature, language, art, science and other disciplines, and each has its own tradition of historical inquiry.1 Intellectual history thus lacks one overriding concern. In terms of hermeneutics it is not really a discipline, but rather a point of view within a discipline, which is history, and the intellectual historian is to ‘explore those areas of the human past in which decipherable traces, usually written or iconographic, have survived, and then to give contemporary meaning to these traces through the medium of language’.2 Modern Arab-Islamic intellectual history is similarly a multi- disciplinary area of inquiry rather than an autonomous academic discipline, and as such it is not immediately clear with what conceptual tools it is best handled. In fact, traditions and blueprints of practice which suggest ways of proceeding are scarce. Abu-Rabi‘’s observation in 1996 remains true today: ‘methodological studies of modern Arab/Islamic thought are rare, and, in many instances, are only partially adequate’.3 Although intellectual history lacks one overriding concern, one of the central issues in debates on intellectual historiography is ‘contextualisation’ and the problematising of the selection of particular contexts within which to situate our discussions of specific texts.4 Moreover, one of the main goals of intellectual history is ‘understanding’, which can be applied to an author or a text, to the wider cultural environment or to the individual self.5 The two are 1 This content downloaded from 46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd 11 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222 2 | the arab nahdah · interdependent since the selection of appropriate context is supposed to lead to improved understanding. One might, therefore, consider the question of context (method) and ‘correct’ interpretation by turning to some established studies on the nah∂ah and by asking smaller as well as larger questions. Interpretation is always conditioned by values and assumptions that influence the study. The period beginning with the Ottoman conquest of Syria and Egypt in 1516–17 until Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt in 1798 is arguably the most neglected in the study of the Arab-Islamic world. This scholarly neglect is symptomatic of a widespread assumption that the Arab- Islamic world entered a period of perpetual decline after the thirteenth cen- tury. The period of decline is believed by many to have come to an end in 1798 with Napoleon’s invasion, when a more dynamic and vital Europe thrust itself upon the region and initiated the dawn of a new ‘modern’ era. The paradigm of decline is so deeply ingrained in previous scholarship that a brief survey of scholarly attitudes is appropriate. An early example is found in Gibb’s and Bowen’s influential book, Islamic Society and the West (1957). They deployed the eighteenth century as a model of traditional Islamic society in the Ottoman Empire just before the changes brought by Westernisation and depicted Arabic scholarly culture and institutions of the time as degenerate and exhausted, and typical for the entire period stretch- ing from 1500 to 1800 which, not inadvertently, was regarded throughout the twentieth century as that of the Empire’s decline.6 In Arabic Thought, Hourani echoed Bernard Lewis’s grim conclusion that from the beginning of the seventeenth century the ‘decline of the Ottoman Empire was clearly noticeable’, and that by the middle of the eighteenth ‘the evidence of decline was too strong to be ignored’.7 Abu-Lughod endorsed Gibb’s and Bowen’s view in the Arab Rediscovery of Europe (1963) when he wrote: ‘Several cen- turies of isolation, staticism, and decay had brought Islamic society to a nadir by the eighteenth century . . . The decline was general, encompassing almost every area of human activity.’8 The idea that Arab-Islamic civilisation entered a period of ‘decline’ after the sixteenth century has remained highly influential in academic circles. In the 1992 Cambridge volume on modern Arabic literature, Badawi writes: ‘the Ottoman period marks the nadir of Arabic literature. Although historians of literature may have exaggerated the This content downloaded from 46.2.10.37 on Sat, 09 May 2020 23:28:41 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms PPAATTEELL 99778800774488664400669900 PPRRIINNTT..iinndddd 22 2288//0055//22001133 1155::2222

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Most books are stored in the elastic cloud where traffic is expensive. For this reason, we have a limit on daily download.