THE AGRARIAN QUESTION AND REFORMISM IN LATIN AMERICA Alain de Janvry The Johns Hopkins University Press Baltimore and London assistance of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. el981 The Johos Hopkins University Prel!: All rights re.erved Printed io Ihe Uoiled Siaies of America Ori.lnaJJy published (hnrdcover nod paperback). 1981 Second primln@: (paperhQck)' 1983 Third printing (paperback). 198~ Fourth printing (paperbackl. 1990 The Jtmns Hopkins Univcnily Prel's 70 I West 40th Street Ralthnore, Maryland 21211 The Johns Hopkins Pru& Lid .• London ibrary of Congress Catalogln@: In Publication Data de Janvry. Alain The agrarian question and refomlism i Bibliography: pp. 303-6. Includes indel. I. Agriculture Ilnd 5late-Latin America. 2. und reform-tali America. I. ntle. HDI790.S.ZBD4 1981 338.1'88 81-4147 ISDN 0·8018·2S)I·8 AACR2 ISDN 0·8018·2S32·6 (pbk.) ----- Contents ----- Preface xi Abbreviations xv Introduction I ChaPter 1. Laws of MotIon In the Center-Periphery Structure: The Underlying Forces 7 Evolulion of Thought on Unequal Development 9 The Dialectic Between Production and Circulation 23 Contradictions of Accumulation in Articulated Economies 26 Contradictions of Accumulation in Disarticulated Economies 32 Dependency, CIa •• Structure, and Social Disarticulation 40 Market-Widening and Market-Deepening 45 Mechanisms of Surplus Transfer Between Center and Periphery 50 Industrial and Financial Imperialism 50 Surplus Transfer Through Trade 52 Unequal E~chan8e 53 Unequal Trade 54 Unequal Rewards in the Formation of International Prices 54 Accumulation in the Center-Periphery Structure and the Current Crisis 55 Chapter 2. Agrarian CrIsiS In Latin America: The Facts 61 Integration of Latin American Agriculture into the National and World Economies 61 Contents Patterns of Growth and Stagnation 68 The Rise and Logic of Functional Dualism 81 The Contradictions of Functional Dualism 85 Chapter 3. Transformation of the AgrarIan Structure and the Peasantry 94 The Nature and Future of the Peasanlry 95 The Marxist Classics 96 Peasantry as a Specific Type of Economy 100 An Alternati ve Conceptualization of Peasants 102 Roads to the Development of Capitalism in Agriculture 106 Modes of Production. Social Classes. and Types of Farm Enter- prises 109 A Typology of Fann Enterprises 109 Empirical Characterization of the Rural Class Structure 114 Dynamics of Class Differentiation 117 Empirical Characterization of Class Differentiation: Global Data 118 Empirical Characterization of Class Differentiation: Country Studies 123 Mexico 123 Colombia 131 Peru 136 Chapter 4. DIsartIculated AccumulatIon and Agrarian Crlsla Prevalent Theses on the Food and Hunger Crisis 141 Neo-Malthusianism 142 Technological Detenninism 143 Monetarist Thesis of Stagnation 144 Structuralist Thesis of Stagnation 146 Overconsumption: Austerity and Aid 148 Poverty: Employment and Nutrition Programs 149 Material Detenninants of the Agrarian Crisis 151 The Contradiction Between Rent and Profit in the Transition to Capitalism 152 Cheap Food and Foreign Exchange: The Contradictions 157 Food Self-Sufficiency Versus Comparative Advantages 158 Cheap-Food Policies Versus Development of Capitalism in Agriculture 162 Technological Bias Toward Laborsaving 169 Use Versus Reproduction of the Peasantry as a Source of Cheap Food 172 The Global Crisis 174 1be New World Order: A New International Division of Labor for Agriculture? 175 Chapter 5. The Polllical Economy of Reformism 182 The Capitalist State 183 1be Petty Bourgeoisie and Legitimation 187 The Peripheral State 191 Refonns and the Management of Crises 193 The Limits of Refonnism 195 Legitimacy Crisis of the State 196 Fiscal Crisis of the State 196 Adminislrative Crisis of the State 197 Agrarian Refonnism in Latin America 197 Chapler 8. Types and Consequencas of Land Reform 202 A Typology of Land Refonns 203 Redistributive Reforms 207 Transition from Precapitalist Mode to Junker Road 208 Transition from Precapitalist Mode to Fanner Road 209 Shift from Junker Road to Farmer Road 209 Transition from Junker Road to Precapitalist Mode 210 Transition from Fanner Road to Precapitalist Mode 210 Shift from Farmer Road to Junker Road 210 'Consequences of Land Reforms 211 Observation I: Market Expansion 21/ Observation II: Development of Capitalism in the Nonrefonn Sector 214 Observation IU: Political Stabilization Through the Refonn Sector 218 Observation IV: Functional Dualism 220 The End of Land Reform 221 Chapter 7. The Strategy of Integrated Rural Development A Typology of Rural·Development Projects 224 Criteria for the Evaluation of Rural-Development Projects 231 Puebla-Type Rural-Development Projects 234 The Puebla Project 234 The Garcia Rovira Project 235 The Cajamarca Project 237 Economic Achievements of Rural-Development Projects 238 Contents Structural Characteristics of the Peasant Economy That Condition Technolog- ical Change 239 Functional Dualism 239 Semi proletarianization 242 Labor Scarcity 246 Profitabil ity and Risk 247 New Technologies for Peasant Agriculture 248 Effective Demand 249 Risk 250 Diffusion Strategy 250 Extension Model 250 Institutional Linkages 25 J The Political Economy of Integrated Rural Development 252 Chapter 8. The AgrarIan Quastlon and Change In latin America: Conclualons 255 Policy Proposals for Growth with Equity 255 Employment Creation 256 Integrated Rural Development 256 Redistribution with Growth and Basic Needs 256 New International Economic Order 257 Redistribution Before Growth 257 The Limits of Reformism 259 The Political Economy of Equitable Growth 264 Notes 269 Selected Bibliography 303 Index 307 Figures I. I. Structure of an Aniculated Economy 27 1.2. Structure of Disarticulated Export-Enclave Economies 32 1.3. Structure of Disarticulated Import-Substitution Industrialization Economies 33 104. Productivity of Labor and Real Wages in Manufacturing, United States and Brazil, 1966-74 35 1.5. Social Class Structure and Alliances 42 Contents 3.1. Social Classes and Types of Farm Enterprises in Latin America 110 3.2. Dynamic Process of Class Differentiation in Latin America 6.1. Typology of Land Refonns in Latin America 205 7. I. 1'ypes of Agnuian Reforms 225 Tables Average Annual Growth RaIeS in Gross Domestic Product, Manufa c- turing, and Gross Fixed Capital Ponnation 19 1.2. Growth and Income Distribution, 1960-70 36 1.3. Share of Different Income Strata in Total Consumption, 1974, and Growth Rate of Production by Type of Commodity, 1967-68 to 1975-76 47 1.4. Mexico: Distribution of Income and Consumption in Urban Hoose-_ holds, 1968 49 1.5. Flow of Funds Related to Direct U.S. Investment, 1960-72 51 2. I. Agricultural Production in Latin America, Selected Vears 69 2.2. Rate of Growth of Production by Commodity and Country, 1948-52 to 1968-72 72 2.3. Real Price Tendencies (Rate of Change per Year), 1950-70 74 2.4. Share of Large Farms in Total Production, and Mean Area Harvested per Farm, 1950-71 75 2.5. Share of Production Sold and Share of Labor Hired, by Crop 77 2.6. Grain Dependency: Sbare of Impons in Total Consumption, 1948-52 and 1968-72 78 2.7. Share of Selected Foods in the Urban Wage Basket, Selected Years and Countries 79 2.8. Share of Exports in Total Production, 1948-52 and 1968-72 80 3.1. Rural Social Classes in Latin America: Distribution of Households and Land 1/5 3.2. Dynantics of Land Tenure Systems: Initial and Tenninal Percenillges 119 3.3. Size of Farms Less Than 5 Hectares in Area for Eleven Central and South American Countries, 1950-70 122 3.4. Mexico: Hectares of Land Benefited by Major Federal Irrigation Proj- ects as a Percentage of Total Hectares Cultivated, 1940-60 125 3.5. Mexico: Value Share of Agricultural Production, 1950 and 1960 126 3.6. Mexico: Distribution of Cultivated Area and Value Share of Production by Farm Size, 1940-70 127 Contents 3.7. Mexico: Average Area per Landholding, 1960 and 1970 128 3.8. Mexico: Number of Farms, Percentage of Farms, and Total Land Area in the Private Sector Controlled by Farms, by Farm Size, 1940-70 130 3.9. Colombia: Value Share of Total Production by Type of Crop, 1950-55 and 1971-76 133 3.10. Colombia: Land Area Cultivated, by Type of Crop, 1950-55 and 1971-76 134 3.11. Colombia: Land Distribution by Number and Size of Farm and by Total Area, 1960 and 1970 135 3.12. Peru: Distribution of Farms and Agricultural Land by Farm Size, 1960-70 139 4.1. Price of Nitrogen Relative to That of Wheat and Com at the Producer Level in Latin America and Elsewhere 165 4.2. Wheat Yields and Relative Prices Received by Farmers, 1968-70 166 4.3. Comparison of Annual Rates of Change in Selected Economic Indi- cators in the United States, 1950-68 and 1968-77 177 6.1. Statistical Information on Land Reforms in Selected Latin American Countries, 1917-76 206 7.1. Puebla: Profitability of Farm Activities by Farm Type, 1970 241 7.2. Cajamarca, Puebla, and Garcia Rovira: Distribution of Farms by Farm Type, 1970-73 243 7.3. Cajamarca, Puebla, and Garcia Rovira: Sources of Net Household Income by Farm Type 244 7.4. Cajamarca: Sources of Net Household Income by Farm Type, 1973 245 ----- Preface ----- While in the field in Latin America as well as in the classroom teaching coorses on economic and agricultural development at Berkeley, I have re peatedly been impressed by two frustrations that are widely shared by others and thai thus motivated me to write this book. One is that practitionen; of economic development-policy makers, project direeton;, international donor.I and lenders, and political activists-lack a global interpretative framework that would allow them to give consistency to the variety of actions they undertake. As a result, the practice of economic development bas been reduced to the evaluation and implementation of disconnected projects. Un derlying these projects is a dramatic paucity of unden;tanding of how they fit into the broader economy. and what their political implications are. Most particularly, there is a general incomprehension (or neglect) of the stale as a social phenomenon and of illl logic, role, and limits in the management of reforms. In terms of the practice of development, a crying need thus exists for 8 unifying flllll\ework that is both sufficiently comprehensive to explain the multidimensional facets of underdevelopment and suffICiently simple to pr0- vide ,8 broad set of guidelines that an in turn be made more specific in particular historical, geographical, and ideological contexts to serve as a basis for policy formulation and pOlitical action. This book is consequendy wrillen principally for practitioners of economic and agricultura1 development who have been preoccupied with finding a consistent theoretical frameworll in which to interpret the situations they observe and want to tnlnsfOflll. The other frustration that has recurrently perturbed me is that the global interpretations that have been developed-in the context of modernization Prerace Iheory as well as In that of political economy-have remained at. very general BJId abstract levels. This, while pleasing to academic 8cholm of world eco nomic systems and armchair revolutionaries, has left the practitioners of eco· nomic development, from policy-makers to political activists, in a vacuum: !he global frameworks have provided only sweeping directives that can hardly be translated into pragmatic programs, and specific projects can be fitted Into the global frameworks only in a rather distant and artificial fashion. In this hook, I consequently attempt to show that this vacuum need not exist; a global interpretative framework is indeed essential for policy and political action, and il can serve to give very pragmatic directives for the definition and implementation of "what i8 to be done." Not only should the test of a theory '8 relevance be Its ability to guide social action; conversely, a concern with the practical e~lgencies involved In changing the existing social reality is essential for developing a meaningful social theory. Consequently, this book is also written for scholars BJId students of economic development in an attempt to funher our understanding of the global phenomenon of underde velopment In the world economic system and to show how this knowledge can be used in the analysis and design of specific projects. I am of course aware that by standing thus between two powerful traditions in development economics-pragmatic project design BJId abstract studi. .. of global frameworks-I e~pose myself to critiques from both flanks. The prac titioners may lose patience with the generalities that will often appear to them to be rhetorical and gB8p for immediate gUidelines for Bction. I believe that these guidelines are there but that they can be deduced from the global framework only through historical and conjunctural studies of the infmily of concrete situlltions-a task thllt is left to each practitioner BJId that is forever undenaken anew. The scholars of global systems may also lose patience with the specificity of the analysis of particular projects, such as land reform and rural development, which Inevitably brings us to Ihe level of the concrete, such as farming systems in peasant fields on the Alliplano. It is my hope, however, thai both practitioners nod scholars will admit that the problems of world underdevelopment, and especially the dramas of widespread hunger and massive rural poveny, are some of the most pressing we race today and that an essenllal first step in moving toward a solution is to bridge tbe e~istins gap between global interpretations and pragmatic policy and political guidelines. Bven if modestly, this study attempts to mOVe in that direction. The writing of this book took several yem and involved extended periods of stay in Argentina, Chile, Colombia, and Peru as well"" frequent visita to Ecuador, Me~ico, the Dominican Republic, BJId Brazil. My main indebted ness goes to my students at Berkeley, who provided both a constant opponu nity for joint learning and invaluable B• •l stance. I want in particular to ac knowledge the contributions of Carlos Garram6n, Luis Crouch, Margaret Andrews, David Runsten, Carmen Diana Deere, Lynn Ground, RamOn Crouch, Marilyn Skyles, &lnalda da Sliva, William Gibson, Frank Kramer,