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The Administration of Sickness: Medicine and Ethics in Nineteenth-Century Algeria PDF

268 Pages·2008·1.91 MB·English
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The Administration of Sickness Also by William Gallois TIME, RELIGION AND HISTORY ZOLA: The History of Capitalism The Administration of Sickness Medicine and Ethics in Nineteenth-Century Algeria William Gallois © William Gallois 2008 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2008 978-0-230-50043-3 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6-10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2008 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-35262-3 ISBN 978-0-230-58260-6 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230582606 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gallois, William, 1971– The administration of sickness : medicine and ethics in nineteenth- century Algeria / William Gallois. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Public health administration – Algeria – History – 19th century. 2. Medical policy – Algeria – History – 19th century. 3. Medical care – Algeria – History – 19th century. 4. Imperialism – Health aspects – Algeria – History – 19th century. 5. Medical ethics – Algeria – History – 19th century. I. Title. [DNLM: 1. Health Policy – history – Algeria. 2. Health Policy – history – France. 3. Colonialism – history – Algeria. 4. Colonialism – history – France. 5. Delivery of Health Care – organization & administration – Algeria. 6. Delivery of Health Care – organization & administration – France. 7. Ethics, Medical – history – Algeria. 8. Ethics, Medical – history – France. 9. History, 19th Century – Algeria. 10. History, 19th Century – France. 11. History, 20th Century – Algeria. 12. History, 20th Century – France. WA 11 HA4 G173a 2008] RA552.A4G35 2008 362.10965—dc22 2008016413 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 Contents Acknowledgements vi 1 Introduction 1 2 On the Idea of Medical Imperialism 29 3 On Humanitarian Desire 66 4 On Extermination 93 5 On Attendance to Suffering and Demographic Collapse 135 6 On the Just and Sovereign Testimony of Abdel Kader ben Zahra 185 7 On Injustice and the Disavowal of Autonomy 197 Notes 215 Bibliography 234 Index 257 v Acknowledgements The research for this book was generously supported by the American University of Sharjah, the Mellon Foundation, the School of Oriental and African Studies and Roehampton University. I also benefited from the advice and expertise of a number of history of medicine seminars and con- ferences at which I presented parts of my project, particularly those run by Mark Jackson at Exeter, Hilary Marwick and Colin Jones at Warwick, the Society for the Social History of Medicine, and Gino Raymond’s seminar at Bristol. My colleagues at Roehampton – most especially Sara Pennell, Cornelie Usborne, John Tosh and Meg Arnot – have been great supporters of this project, as were Gez Hawting, David Arnold, Peter Robb, Michael Brett and Tom Tomlinson at SOAS; Bob Cook, Larry Woods and Andy Barnett at AUS; and Daniel Pick at Queen Mary. I should also like to thank the staff at the following libraries and archives: CAOM in Aix-en-Provence, the Bibliothèque Nationale in Algiers, the national archives in Algiers, the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris and the university libraries of SOAS, Exeter, and the University of London, as well as the London Library, the Women’s Library and the British Library. I owe a great debt to the anonymous reader of this book, whose incisive criticisms of the text at different stages of its life greatly improved its argument. I also received great help, encourage- ment and friendship whilst writing the book from Oliver Craske, Jon Cheetham, Niall O’Flaherty, Ruth Hall, Rebecca Fox, Jake Osborne, Rebecca Niblock, Barbara Wallwork, Norman Wallwork, Ramues Gallois, Suzuka Gallois, Richard Gallois, Sarah Gallois, Edward Gallois, Philip Taylor, Encarni Corcoles, Martin Macmillan, Claire Macmillan, Nick Riley, Sole Riley and Otis Kempinksi. vi 1 Introduction 1.1 Beginning as it ended On 5 April 1921, the mayor of Cherchell wrote to his Prefect to complain that migrants from the interior posed a serious threat to the health of his coastal town. ‘Long queues of people from Orléanville and Ténès’ had tried to enter Cherchell, and when they had been expelled, they had simply tried to come into the town through another gate’.1 They ‘brought with them the threat of typhus ... to a settlement which had until then been spared, and the only means we had of defending ourselves against this invasion was to guard all the gates into the town’.2 That the Prefect took such problems seriously was made plain when, on 4 May 1921, he wrote to the mayor of Algiers of ‘the dangers posed to public health by the large numbers of indigènes who arrived in the prefecture each day, begging for our assistance’.3 As a means of arresting such population flows and protecting the ‘hygiène publique’ of the coastal littoral, the Prefect sug- gested that a form of ticketing system might be introduced so that only those who were shown to be free from typhus could travel towards the capital. The Prefect knew that such a suggestion would appeal to the mayor of Algiers, for he had traditionally objected to paying for the cost of charitable assistance from the city’s budget and had demanded that such expenses be shared by the colonial government and the department of Algiers. Those who were destined to received such gifts were, after all, ‘beggars who needed to be purged from Algiers, for they had come to the city not to work or to contribute to the “vie communale”, but to exploit the offerings of public charity’.4 These local administrative responses to epidemics in the 1920s come after the period 1830–1900 described in this book, but I open my argument with them as examples of a culture of health in Algeria which I suggest began in the nineteenth century and persisted right across the colonial period. When we look, for instance, at the famines and epidemics of the late 1830s, or the period 1867–72, we find that French reactions to such events 1 2 The Administration of Sickness were framed in more or less precisely the language we find here in the second decade of the twentieth century. This book, therefore, looks closely at cultures of medicine from nineteenth- century Algeria to discover how permanent, structuring realities were formed in the early decades of the colony and how such cultures of health impacted on both local populations and settler communities. Yet we also need to see that the end reached at Cherchell was arrived at in a particular way, for cultures of health changed over time, so this book offers an account of nineteenth-century Algeria which draws together analyses of both deep- lying structural realities in its history of health and alterations in medical policies, ideas and culture. From the inception of the colony in the 1830s to its fall in 1962, French and Algerian writers consistently saw the French imperial project in the Maghreb as an attempt to medicalise Algerian society. This idea of medicalisation lay, I suggest, at the heart of the French attempt to make an Algerian nation in the nineteenth century, its failure to do so and in the encouragement of distinct modes of resistance to French rule. One of the greatest shifts which took place between the arrival of the French in 1830 and the brutal realities of the world of Cherchell and Algiers in the 1920s was the slow death of the idea of medical imperialism, which invigorated and formed a key part of the early French colonial enterprise, but which can be seen to have collapsed in the examples set out above. That idea of the civilising potential of medicine, and the manner in which disillusionment set in with regard to the idea, amongst local, settler and metropolitan constituencies, runs across the chapters of this book. In continuing my initial theme of endings and beginnings, let us now look at quotations from the inception and last days of the colony side by side. The first comes from a book written by the politician Pellissier de Raynaud in 1837, the second from Frantz Fanon’s resignation note from the Blida-Joinville hospital, which he left in 1953 prior to joining the FLN: There exists a dangerous illusion that Algeria presents us with a land ripe for exploitation, a treasure trove into which we can dip our fingers, which needs to be promptly destroyed. Instead we need to see that Africa presents us with the possibility of unleashing the germ of a new people, who might create a gloriously productive new society. It is to this end which I wish to bring discussions, but before doing so we must under- stand the theatre of operations in which we propose to operate.5 If psychiatry is the medical technique that aims to enable man no longer to be a stranger to his environment, I owe it to myself to affirm that the Arab, permanently an alien in his own country, lives in a state of absolute depersonalization.6 What I think we see here are expressions of the importance of the idea of medicine in the nineteenth century and, in the twentieth century, the Introduction 3 manner in which critics of empire came to understand that the idea of medicine and its implementation constituted one of the most pernicious effects of French colonialism. From Fanon’s perspective it is of course quite clear that Pellisier de Raynaud’s medical metaphors – ‘the germ of a new people’ and so on – formed precisely the kind of ‘illusion’ which Pellisier himself feared, yet a distinctive feature of the function of power relations in colonial settings was that illusions really could become forms of reality, writ large on the tabula rasa of the ‘theatre of operations on which we propose to operate’. The description of quite how Algerians became ‘strangers’ in their own ‘environment’, and not the ‘new people’ of ‘a gloriously productive new society’ will be a key task in this book’s analysis of the ideas and realities of colonial medicine. 1.2 Scope This book explores the role which cultures of medicine played in the crea- tion of Algeria in the nineteenth century. Its method is ethical in that it asks whether French medicine was good and just, and whether the medical appa- ratus of the colonial state can be shown to have improved or diminished the lives of those who became Algerians: both the indigenous peoples of North Africa and European settlers who migrated to the Maghreb. It identifies three distinct phases in the medical-ethical history of nineteenth-century Algeria. In the first of these stages, lasting from the con- quest in 1830 until the 1850s, the idea of medicine and of its efficacy was seen to be a crucial form of justification for France’s presence in North Africa. A grand plan to medicalise the colony was viewed as being both moral and pragmatic, in that it served the purposes of proving the benefi- cence of France’s civilising occupation and it helped to pacify a hostile and poorly understood environment. At a second, overlapping, moment through the 1840s ’50s and ’60s, parts of the grand medical plan were actualised, but it quickly became clear that France could not afford to establish the comprehensive and universal health service that had initially been imagined. The reality of medical provision was that its organisation mirrored the fragmentary character of the colonial state, which was divided between military and civil authorities which tended towards competition rather than collaboration. Medical authorities and conscientious doctors in the capital could look at much of their own work and believe that the imagined medicalised state was coming into being, but the reality for most of the country was that medical care was sporadic, often costly and, in some cases, resisted by locals. Finally, this situation worsened markedly in the past three decades of the century: racial ideas definitively trumped those of the advocates of universal care, medical provision became increasingly competitive and privatised, plans to train Algerians as doctors and to integrate them into French medical culture

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