Teachers and the Struggle for Democracy in Spain, 1970–1985 Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements Editors: Stefan Berger (Institute for Social Movements, Ruhr-University Bochum) Holger Nehring (Centre for Peace History, University of Sheffield) Editorial board: John Chalcraft (London School of Economics) Andreas Eckert (Humboldt-University, Berlin) Susan Eckstein (Boston University) Felicia Kornbluh (University of Vermont) Jie-Hyun Lim (Research Institute for Comparative History, Hanyang University Seoul) Marcel van der Linden (International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam) RochonaMajumdar (University of Chicago) Sean Raymond Scalmer (University of Melbourne) Around the world, social movements have become legitimate, yet contested, actors in local, national and global politics and civil society, yet we still know relatively little about their longer histories and the trajectories of their devel- opment. This new series seeks to promote innovative historical research on the history of social movements in the modern period since around 1750. We bring together conceptually-informed studies that analyse labour movements, new social movements and other forms of protest from early modernity to the present. We conceive of “social movements” in the broadest possible sense, encompassing social formations that lie between formal organisations and mere protest events. We also offer a home for studies that systematically explore the political, social, economic and cultural conditions in which social movements can emerge. We are especially interested in transnational and global perspectives on the history of social movements, and in studies that engage critically and crea- tively with political, social and sociological theories in order to make historically grounded arguments about social movements. This new series seeks to offer inno- vative historical work on social movements, while also helping to historicise the concept of “social movement.” It hopes to revitalise the conversation between historians and historical sociologists in analysing what Charles Tilly has called the “dynamics of contention.” Titles in the Series: Tamar Groves TEACHERS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY IN SPAIN, 1970–1985 Forthcoming Titles: Tara Povey SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN EGYPT AND IRAN Matthias Reiss BLIND RADICALISM The Visually Impaired and the Welfare State in 20th Century Teachers and the Struggle for Democracy in Spain, 1970–1985 Tamar Groves Researcher, Institute of Science and Technology Studies, University of Salamanca Translated by Ben Engel © Tamar Groves 2013 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2013 978-1-137-32373-6 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. 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Contents Series Editors’ Preface vi Acknowledgements x List of Abbreviations xii Introduction 1 1 Representation Put to the Test: The Teachers’ Movements and the Creation of the Sindicato de los Trabajadores de la Ense ñ anza 20 2 Educational Revolution from within: The Movements for Pedagogical Innovation 54 3 Rehearsing for Democracy: Union Agitation in Madrid 93 4 Liberating the Classroom: Pedagogical Innovation in Madrid 124 5 Recovery of Civil Society at a Local Level: The Teachers’ Movements in the Province of Salamanca 159 6 Back to the Village: Teachers as Agents of an Alternative Culture 190 Conclusion 2 21 Notes 2 25 Sources and Bibliography 253 Index 263 Series Editors’ Preface Around the world, social movements have become legitimate, yet contested, actors in local, national and global politics and civil society; yet we still know relatively little about their longer histories and the trajectories of their development. This series reacts to what can be described as a recent boom in the history of social movements. We can observe a development from the crisis of labour history in the 1980s to the boom in research on social movements in the 2000s. The rise of historical interests in the development of civil society and the role of strong civil societies as well as non-governmental organisa- tions in stabilising democratically constituted polities have strength- ened the interest in social movements as a constituent element of civil societies. In different parts of the world, social movements continue to have a strong influence on contemporary politics. In Latin America, trade unions, labour parties and various left-of-centre civil society organi- sations have succeeded in supporting left-of-centre governments. In Europe, peace movements, ecological movements and alliances intent on campaigning against poverty and racial discrimination and discrimi- nation on the basis of gender and sexual orientation have been able to set important political agendas for decades. In other parts of the world, including Africa, India and South East Asia, social movements have played a significant role in various forms of community building and community politics. The contemporary political relevance of social movements has undoubtedly contributed to a growing historical interest in the topic. Contemporary historians are not only beginning to historicise these relatively recent political developments; they are also trying to relate them to a longer history of social movements, including traditional labour organisations, such as working-class parties and trade unions. In the longue durée, we recognise that social movements are by no means a recent phenomenon and are not even an exclusively modern phenom- enon, although we realise that the onset of modernity emanating from Europe and North America across the wider world from the eighteenth century onwards marks an important departure point for the develop- ment of civil societies and social movements. vi Series Editors’ Preface vii In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the dominance of national history over all other forms of history writing led to a thorough nation- alisation of the historical sciences. Hence social movements have been examined traditionally within the framework of the nation state. Only during the last two decades have historians begun to question the validity of such methodological nationalism and to explore the devel- opment of social movements in comparative, connective and transna- tional perspective taking into account processes of transfer, reception and adaptation. Whilst our book series does not preclude work that is still being carried out within national frameworks (for, clearly, there is a place for such studies, given the historical importance of the nation state in history), it hopes to encourage comparative and transnational histories on social movements. At the same time as historians have begun to research the history of those movements, a range of social theorists, from Jürgen Habermas to Pierre Bourdieu and from Slavoj Žižek to Alain Badiou as well as Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to Miguel Abensour, to name but a few, have attempted to provide philosophical-cum-theoretical frameworks in which to place and contextualise the development of social move- ments. History has arguably been the most empirical of all the social and human sciences, but it will be necessary for historians to explore further to what extent these social theories can be helpful in guiding and framing the empirical work of the historian in making sense of the historical development of social movements. Hence the current series is also hoping to make a contribution to the ongoing dialogue between social theory and the history of social movements. This series seeks to promote innovative historical research on the history of social movements in the modern period since around 1750. We bring together conceptually informed studies that analyse labour movements, new social movements and other forms of protest from early modernity to the present. With this series, we seek to revive, within the context of historiographical developments since the 1970s, a conversation between historians on the one hand and sociologists, anthropologists and political scientists on the other. Unlike most of the concepts and theories developed by social scientists, we do not see social movements as directly linked, a priori, to processes of social and cultural change and therefore do not adhere to a view that distinguishes between old (labour) and new (middle-class) social move- ments. Instead, we want to establish the concept “social m ovement” as a heuristic device that allows historians of the nineteenth and twentieth viii Series Editors’ Preface centuries to investigate social and political protests in novel settings. Our aim is to historicise notions of social and political activism in order to highlight different notions of political and social protest on both left and right. Hence, we conceive of “social movements” in the broadest possible sense, encompassing social formations that lie between formal organisa- tions and mere protest events. But we also include processes of social and cultural change more generally in our understanding of social move- ments: this goes back to nineteenth-century understandings of “social movement” as processes of social and cultural change more generally. We also offer a home for studies that systematically explore the political, social, economic and cultural conditions in which social movements can emerge. We are especially interested in transnational and global perspectives on the history of social movements, and in studies that engage critically and creatively with political, social and sociological theories in order to make historically grounded arguments about social movements. In short, this series seeks to offer innovative historical work on social movements, while also helping to historicise the concept of “social movement.” It also hopes to revitalise the conversation between historians and historical sociologists in analysing what Charles Tilly has called the “dynamics of contention.” Democracy in the Classroom is the first in this series. It investigates the role of teachers’ union activism in Spain’s transition to democracy from the early 1970s into the early 1980s. By applying a social movement approach to the period of the transición, Tamar Groves contributes to a more recent trend in Spanish history that focuses on the continuity of civil-society, as opposed to elite, activism in forging the country’s transi- tion to democracy. It is especially noteworthy that the author combines a national organisational study with two local case studies (from metro- politan Spain and rural Salamanca). In its optic, the study itself not transnational. Groves’s conceptuali- sation of her topic, however, has implications for historicising social movement activism that reach beyond Spain: it is not only a contri- bution to the literature on the importance of schools and learning for understandings of pluralism and democracy; it also highlights the local rootedness and embeddedness of social-movement activism, as well as the ways in which sub-national units are embedded into global visions of utopia and renewal. Through her work, Groves aims to turn our atten- tion away from labour movements towards professional organisations and thus highlight the importance as well as impact of broader civic participation in Spain’s transition to democracy. Series Editors’ Preface ix Democracy in the Classroom thus demonstrates the complexity and heterogeneity of social movement activism in democratising societies and highlights how it cannot be linked directly to processes of social, political and cultural change. Instead, Tamar Groves provides us with plenty of material that demonstrates the historically specific nature of different and competing modes of activism in Spain during the period of transition to democracy. By emphasising the plurality of the teachers’ movement and highlighting the role that internal conflicts and debates played, Groves also highlights the role of these movements in providing what Wini Breines has called “prefigurative politics.” The struggles were not merely about power. They were also about different visions of educational reform and the ways in which these might be expressed with different models of organisation. In her book, Groves stresses the transformative force of activism: she highlights how they offered spaces in which previously “un-political” teachers could find expressions of their political opinions. She zooms in on the teachers’ scepticism towards representative models of organisation and shows how they came to embrace a participative model of politics based on assem- blies that was firmly anchored in local contexts. This form of socio-polit- ical activism not only came into conflict with the hegemomic Franquist teachers’ organisations. It also offered a vision of political engagement that differed fundamentally from Communist and Socialist proposals to integrate teacher into broader hierarchical union structures. Groves’s study therefore has two broader implications for the historical understanding and analysis of social movements: first, she highlights how similar to “new” social movement activism some the teachers’ protests in late-Franco Spain were – this puts a question mark behind those approaches that try to link social movement activism since the 1970s with post-materialist values in advanced industrial and demo- cratic societies. Second, her study provides important insights into how historians might conceptualise the impact of social movement activism: not merely in terms of the fulfilment of specific policies, in this case the teachers’ utopian visions of autonomous public schools, run collectively by teachers, parents and pupils, but primarily in the ways in which they were able to forge locally based democratic cultures within and around their schools. Groves’s story therefore highlights a key aspect of democracy: education for democracy entails democratic education. Stefan Berger (Bochum) and Holger Nehring (Sheffield)