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Taking on the World’s Repressive Regimes: The Ford Foundation’s International Human Rights Policies and Practices PDF

312 Pages·2007·4.594 MB·English
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Taking on the World’s Repressive Regimes Taking on the World’s Repressive Regimes: The Ford Foundation’s International Human Rights Policies and Practices William Korey TAKING ON THE WORLD’S REPRESSIVE REGIMES Copyright ©William Korey, 2007. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2007 978-1-4039-6171-6 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. First published in 2007 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN™ 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 and Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England RG21 6XS. Companies and representatives throughout the world. PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan®is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-52658-1 ISBN 978-0-230-60874-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230608740 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Korey, William, 1922– Taking on the world's repressive regimes : the Ford Foundation's international human rights policies and practices / by William Korey. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Human rights. 2. Ford Foundation—History. I. Title. JC571.K597 2007 323.06'01—dc22 2006103204 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Scribe Inc. First edition: August 2007 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 To Diana Marx, my loving and devoted companion. CONTENTS Acknowledgments ix 1 Origins and Background 1 2 Chile: A Breakthrough in Foundation Policy 25 3 Foundation Policy across Latin America 47 4 The “Human Rights Lobby” 69 5 U.S. Helsinki Watch: The Foundation in Eastern Europe 89 6 The “Foundation for European Intellectual Cooperation” 119 7 Taking Risks on South Africa 139 8 The Rejection of “Fatalism” 161 9 A Historic Role 185 10 Women’s Rights: “A Position of Empowerment” 209 11 From Nairobi to Beijing 229 12 A Stumble and Strides Forward 249 Notes 271 Bibliography 299 Index 307 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A half-dozen years since 2001 have gone into the preparation of this work, which was preceded by, and, indeed, stimulated by my last human rights volume,NGOs and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It was while researching that work that I learned that the Ford Foundation was the principal funder of almost all major human-rights nongovernmental org- anizations. In the early stage of the current study, I was greatly assisted by Catherine Fitzpatrick, who was serving at the time as director of the International League forHuman Rights, having earlier been the research director of the U.S. Helsinki Watch. At my request, she researched the files of the Ford Foundation Archives on U.S. Helsinki Watch and Americas Watch and provided me with a basic overview of their material. In addition, she accom- panied me on several NGO interviews of Ford Foundation and nongovern- mental officials. An invaluable source of background information on human rights gener- ally and women’s rights specifically was Felice Gaer, director of the Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights, on whose Advisory Council I participated. She has served me well on the current study with con- siderable advice and suggestions. The fact that she had worked for the Ford Foundation on human-rights issues in the seventies and early eighties proved most helpful. Throughout my research in the valuable Ford Foundation Archives, I was enormously assisted by Alan Divack, the former foundation archivist, and his assistant, Anthony Maloney. Divack’s detailed knowledge of the archives can- not be equaled and I am most grateful for the guidance he provided in expe- diting my path through the archival files. Within the Ford Foundation, too, extraordinarily helpful has been Larry Cox, who served for ten years as the foundation’s principal human-rights officer. He was unusually attentive in arranging interviews with high founda- tion officials and he provided me with pertinent documentation. In prior years, the Joyce Mertz-Gilmore Foundation was always an insti- tution from which I might seek modest funding for research projects. This was especially the case when Bob Crane was its president. He is no longer chief executive of that philanthropy, having moved to the Jeht Foundation. Still, as a board member of the Joyce Mertz-Gilmore Foundation, he remains x Acknowledgments in a position to be helpful. And he has performed that function once again, and I am most appreciative. An especially warm and grateful “thank you” is extended herewith to the gifted and talented typist of this manuscript, Suzanne Garnet, who managed to juggle the reading of hieroglyphics with rearing a family, including two lovely, if somewhat noisy, children. I am deeply indebted to her constancy. C h a p t e r 1 Origins and Background I n the West, “Never Again” became the popular slogan, especially of the young, once Hitlerism and the Nazi war machine were smashed. No one wanted to experience or witness again the horrors of genocide that had reached a climactic point in the third and fourth decades of the twentieth century. Civilization could not tolerate the apparatus of hate, whether the targets were racial, ethnic, or religious groups. Nor could it countenance the machinery of discrimination that led to horrendous forms of barbarism. To shut the door on the various forms of hate and bigotry and their excres- cences was seen as the fundamental challenge to the international commu- nity in the post-war world. The challenge found early expression in the creation of the United National Charter, which was basically a treaty in which human rights occupied a central place, along with the maintenance of peace and the promotion of economic progress. Once ratified by the member- states of the UN in 1945, the Charter prompted the drive for a Universal Declaration of Human Rights of which Eleanor Roosevelt was the principal architect. It was unanimously adopted on the historic day of December 10, 1948, encompassing thirty articles that embraced the gamut of the human rights issues of the day. The phrase “human rights” would soon be paired with “never again” to express humankind’s aspiration for a new era. At first, it was only an aspira- tion, as the phrase was rarely used in political discourse and in press reportage. Rarely did the phrase appear in the major newspapers of the day. Nor was much attention paid in the media to the special UN bodies dealing with human rights—the UN Commission on Human Rights or its Sub- Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. The years of the late 1940s through the 1960s hardly, if ever, saw the phrase “human rights” take on life and meaning, whether in diplomatic discourse or in the decision-making process of foreign policy. Of course, certain nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) like the International League for Human Rights, the International Commission of Jurists, and the American Jewish Committee, placed human rights at the cen- ter of their policy concerns, but rarely, if ever, would they find an echo in public attention. It was hardly surprising, then, that major standard works 2 Taking on the World's Repressive Regimes/William Korey oninternational relations would not focus on the subject. The principal basic volume on international affairs in academia well illuminates the silence embracing the subject of human rights. Hans Morgenthau’s Politics among Nations never mentioned the phrase, nor even referred to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in its first five editions, the last of which was published in1973.1Not until the book’s sixth edition, published in 1985, after Morgenthau’s death, was a section of several pages entitled, “Human Rights and International Morality” added.2 But the new material, in keeping with Morgenthau’s overall view, insisted upon “the impossibility of enforcing the universal application of human rights.”3 At the same time, an examination of the leading American journal on international relations, Foreign Affairsss, found it to be devoid of academic articles on the subject of human rights.4 Not until the spring of 1967 did this key journal carry a single article on human rights. A new NGO, created in 1961, altered the broad international prospective. Amnesty International, headquartered in London but with member branches quickly sprouting everywhere, began to expose torture and other human rights abuses in the hidden crevices of repressive regimes. Its well-researched reports and documents, calling for the release of “prisoners of conscience,” began to concentrate public attention on critical human rights issues.5 International recognition was shortly forthcoming. Amnesty International was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977, a rare acknowledgment of the work of a human rights international NGO. Earlier that same year, a new U.S. administration in Washington, DC—the Carter administration—declared human rights the centerpiece of its foreign policy. Still, the early seventies would be distinguished less by the advancement of human rights than by its repression. Much of the last quarter of the twentieth century would be char- acterized by massive killings, including genocide, torture, disappearances, and racism, along with ethnic and religious discrimination. Three vast institutional structures emerged as the powerful expression of general repression. The oldest and most elaborate political apparatus designed for repression was the Soviet-dominated totalitarian power in Eastern Europe. Stalin and his domestic and Eastern European colleagues imposed it, partic- ularly during and after 1949. With Stalin’s death four years later, a “thaw” crept through the frozen blocks of society, permitting a certain temporary easing of harsh repression, but which resumed in its intensity during the late sixties and early seventies. Running parallel to the ruthless repression in Eastern Europe were stun- ning new developments in Latin America where electoral democracies had prevailed for a long time, even while economic impoverishment held many in its grasp. To thwart social outbursts, the sixties saw the emergence of harsh military rule in several Latin countries, a development that reached a climactic point with the military seizure of power in democratic Chile in September 1973. Authoritarian right-wing military rule would also embrace other democratic societies in Uruguay, Argentina, and Brazil. The elements

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