S y r ia ’s N e w M a p a n d N e w A c t o r s : C h a lle n COVER g e s a n d O p p o r t u n it ie s f o r I s r a e l U Syria’s New Map and New Actors: d i D e Challenges and Opportunities k e l, N ir B for Israel o m s , a n d O Udi Dekel, Nir Boms, and Ofir Winter fi r W in t e r Memorandum 1 5 156 6 Syria’s New Map and New Actors: Challenges and Opportunities for Israel Udi Dekel, Nir Boms, and Ofir Winter Institute for National Security Studies The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), incorporating the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, was founded in 2006. The purpose of the Institute for National Security Studies is first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel’s national security as well as Middle East regional and international security affairs. Second, the Institute aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are – or should be – at the top of Israel’s national security agenda. INSS seeks to address Israeli decision makers and policymakers, the defense establishment, public opinion makers, the academic community in Israel and abroad, and the general public. INSS publishes research that it deems worthy of public attention, while it maintains a strict policy of non-partisanship. The opinions expressed in this publication are the authors’ alone, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute, its trustees, boards, research staff, or the organizations and individuals that support its research. Syria’s New Map and New Actors: Challenges and Opportunities for Israel Udi Dekel, Nir Boms, and Ofir Winter Memorandum No. 156 August 2016 :םישדח םינקחש ,השדח הפמ — הירוס לארשיל תויונמדזהו םירגתא רטניו ריפואו סמוב רינ ,לקד ידוא Graphic design: Michal Semo-Kovetz, Yael Bieber Cover photo: Areas in Syria under control of different actors Cover design: Michal Semo-Kovetz Printing: Elinir Institute for National Security Studies (a public benefit company) 40 Haim Levanon Street POB 39950 Ramat Aviv Tel Aviv 6997556 Tel. +972-3-640-0400 Fax. +972-3-744-7590 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.inss.org.il © All rights reserved. August 2016 ISBN: 978-965-7425-95-4 Contents Executive Summary 7 Preface 9 Chapter 1: The Rise of the Non-State Actors in Syria: Regional and Global Perspectives 13 The Non-State Actors in Syria 14 Israel’s Approach to the New Reality in Syria 19 Chapter 2: Mapping the Non-State Actors in Syria and their Attitudes toward Israel 25 Salafi Jihadist Actors 26 “Pragmatic” Actors 30 Local Actors: Southern Syria 37 Local Actors: The Kurdish and Druze Minorities 40 Independent Initiatives by Syrian Opposition Activists 45 Chapter 3: Israel and the Actors in Syria: The Toolbox and the Rules of the Game 51 Limitations and Risks 52 Opportunities for Cooperation 58 Tactical Partnerships versus Strategic Partnerships 61 Military Modes of Action 63 Diplomatic Modes of Action 66 The Economic Toolbox 68 Humanitarian Activities 70 Conclusions and Recommendations 79 Appendix: Syrian Activists on Israel’s Role in the Crisis in Syria 85 Personal Background 85 Highlights of the Responses to the Questionnaire 89 Notes 103 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The civil war underway in Syria since a few months after the onset of the so-called Arab Spring has changed the face of the Middle East in general and the Syrian Arab Republic in particular, which until then was characterized by approximately four decades of relative stability. The Syrian war, which has killed nearly half a million people, is the greatest catastrophe to hit the Levant since the Armenian genocide. The crisis that erupted in March 2011 expanded within a short time, resulting in political shockwaves and a refugee crisis throughout the region. While Israel succeeded in isolating itself from the immediate effects of this crisis, the events unfolding in Syria have created new dilemmas, and call for Israel’s formulation of new policies in relation to the changing situation along its northern border. This memorandum aims to describe Israel’s process of policymaking in the Syrian context, analyze its current effectiveness, and suggest some alternative thinking that addresses the changing realities in the southern part of Syria and the new opportunities for engagement. The memorandum maps the diverse actors operating in Syria today, primarily the non-state actors, analyzing their respective positions toward Israel, surveying their interactions with Israel during the civil war, and urging a more proactive Israeli policy toward them. The study also proposes modes of action aimed at formulating a new Israeli strategy vis-à-vis the changing Syrian arena in general and southern Syria in particular. In doing so, it focuses on what we define as “positive” actors, including a number of Sunni groups and the Druze and Kurdish minorities, which are currently emerging as the candidates with the best potential for cooperation with Israel. The study devotes less attention to actors that espouse pro-Iranian or Salafi jihadist and Islamist views and therefore have a lower potential for cooperation with Israel, such as the Islamic State, the Nusra Front, Ahrar ash-Sham, Hezbollah, and the Alawite ruling minority. According to the recommendations of this memorandum, Israel should strive to translate its policy of non-intervention in the war in Syria into one I 8 Syria’s New Map and New Actors of active promotion of relations and engagement with more “positive” Syrian actors, as well as with regional and international actors with whom it shares similar interests. These actors wield influence in the current reality in Syria, and can be expected to play a significant role in the shaping and stabilizing of the country in any post-war reality. These realities may include the fall of the Assad regime as well the establishment of new state entities such as a pro-Iranian Alawite enclave, a sovereign recognized Kurdish autonomy, or an autonomous region in southern Syria. Israel would do well to consider the possibility of adopting, in coordination and cooperation with these actors, a more proactive policy vis-à-vis the Syrian arena that will offer it viable short term and long term objectives. Such a policy should be part of a comprehensive strategy that enables Israel to build effective levers of influence in the Syrian arena, establish a degree of influence in southern Syria, and promote its own tactical and strategic interests – first and foremost, maintaining calm in the Golan Heights and preventing “negative” actors from establishing themselves in the Syrian-controlled part of this region.
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