Syllables in Tashlhiyt Berber and in Moroccan Arabic

390 Pages·2002·6.514 MB·English

by  François Dell, Mohamed Elmedlaoui (auth.)

SYLLABLES INTASHLHIYT BERBER
ANDINMOROCCANARABIC
Kluwer International Handbooks of Linguistics
VOLUME 2
Thetitlespublishedinthisseriesarelisted attheend0/this volume.
Syllables in Tashlhiyt Berber
and in Moroccan Arabic
by
FRANC;OIS DELL
EHESS-CNRS,
Paris, France
and
MOHAMED ELMEDLAOUI
Faculte des Lettres,
Oujda, Morocco
~.
"
SPRINGER-SCIENCE+BUSINESS MEDIA, B.V.
A C.I.P. Catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.
ISBN 978-1-4020-1077-4 ISBN 978-94-010-0279-0 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-94-010-0279-0
Printed on acidjree paper
All Rights Reserved
© 2002 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht
Originally published by Kluwer Academic Publishers in 2002
No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted
in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording
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TO MORRIS HALLE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Symbols and abbreviations xi-xm
Preface xv-xvi
Chapter 1. Introduction 1-11
1.1. Goals and general outlook 1
1.2. The Berber 1anguages 5
1.3. Berber in Morocco 6
1.4. Tash1hiyt 7
1.5. Tashlyiyt and Moroccan Arabic in contact 8
1.6. Imdlawn Tashlhiyt 10
Chapter 2. Syntax and morphology, an overview 13-37
2.1. Sound system 13
2.2. Notational conventions 14
2.3. Syntax 17
2.3.1. Basic sentence structure 17
2.3.2. Yerba1 clitics 18
2.3.3. Relative clauses 21
2.4. Yerbal morphology 23
2.5. Nominal morphology 26
2.5.1. Vowel-initial nouns, the basic facts 28
2.5.2. Alternations involving the augment 31
2.5.3. Consonant-initial nouns 34
2.5.3.1. 1C-initial nouns 34
2.5.3.2. Other consonant-initial nouns 37
Chapter 3. Phonological backdrop 39-69
3.1. Preliminaries on gemination 39
3.2. The long segment as a sequence of two prosodic
positions 41
3.2.1. Heteromorphemic geminates 42
3.2.1.1. Fusion of adjacent short consonants
into a long one 42
3.2.1.2. The genitive preposition 46
3.2.1.3. (R)AD's final consonant 48
3.2.2. Syllable structure 49
3.2.3. Templatic morphology I 50
vii
Vlll TABLE OF CONTENTS
3.3. The long segment as a single melodie unit 53
3.3.1. Templatie morphology II 53
3.3.2. Feature changes in long consonants 55
3.4. "Tension" 56
3.5. Conclusion on the geminates 58
3.6. Dorsopharyngealization 58
3.6.1. Auditory properties 59
3.6.2. The distribution of emphasis 61
3.6.2.1. In the lexicon 61
3.6.2.2. At the phonetic level 63
3.7. The voieed pharyngeal consonant 65
3.8. tu! fronting 68
Chapter 4. Tashlhiyt syllables I 71-114
4.1. Syllabie consonants 71
4.2. Tashlhiyt verse and singing 79
4.3. Singing words to a tune 81
4.4. Parsing Tashlhiyt verse: preliminaries 84
4.5. Pattern satisfaction 85
4.6. Generalizations on orthometric syllables 89
4.7. The role of sonority 97
4.8. Geminates in complex codas 103
4.9. Alternative parses meeting all the constraints 108
4.9.1. Sonority plateaux in complex obstruent rimes 109
4.9.2. Sequences of high vowels 112
4.9.3. Alternative licit parses not due to DETACH 113
4.10.Summary 114
Chapter 5. Tashlhiyt syllables II 115-134
5.1. The syllabifieation of word sequences outside of poetry 115
5.2. Imperfective gemination: the basie generalization 117
5.3. Imperfective gemination and the weight of hollow
syllabIes 122
5.4. Length alternations in the causative prefix 124
5.4.1. Monosyllabic bases beginning with an onset 125
5.4.2. Other bases 127
5.5. Conclusion 134
Chapter 6. Vowellesssyllables 135-187
6.1. Vowelsvs. transitional vocoids 135
6.2. VTVs are releases with voicing 137
6.3. The distribution of VTVs 139
6.3.1. Two generalizations 140
6.3.2. Release in heterorganie clusters 142
TABLE OF CONTENTS ix
6.3.3. Release before a sibling consonant 146
6.3.3.1. SIBLING-RELEASE 146
6.3.3.2. The Fusion rule 149
6.3.3.3. Restrietions on fusion 154
6.4. The only surface vowels are a, i and u, two phonolog-
ical arguments 157
6.4.1. Morphemes with adjacent identical consonants 158
6.4.2. Regressive devoicing 160
6.5. Epenthetic vowels in Rifian Berber 163
6.5.1. The basic pattern for vowel epenthesis 164
6.5.2. e devoicing and e absorption 166
6.5.3. Final CC clusters 170
6.5.4. An outstanding issue: syllabification in kernels 173
6.6. Short vocoids in other works on Tashlhiyt 175
Chapter 7. The syllabification of vocoids 189-226
7.1. Vocoid sequences not containing underlying glides 189
7.1.1. Sequences a+H 190
7.1.2. Sequences H+a 191
7.1.3. Sequences of potential hvs 192
7.1.4. Sequences a+a 193
7.1.5. Sequences involving aa 195
7.2. The need for underlying glides 196
7.3. Glides which are sonority peaks in the underlying
representations 202
7.3.1. Surface glides (onsets) which are sonority peaks 202
7.3.2. Glide gemination 204
7.3.2.1. Feminine bound state forms 205
7.3.2.2. Verbs and masculine bound state forms 208
7.3.2.3. Other stern-initial glides 212
7.3.3. Surface glides (codas) which are sonority peaks 215
7.4. Geminate glides 218
7.5. Conclusion 224
Chapter 8. Syllable structure in Moroccan Arabic 227-290
8.1. Introduction 227
8.2. Standard transcriptions 230
8.2.1. The distribution of 'e' in standard transcriptions 230
8.2.2. Uncontroversial schwas vs. putative ones 235
8.3. The structure of syllables in MA 241
8.3.1. Hinge syllables; syllable-final schwas 242
8.3.2. Inventory of syllable types 249
8.3.3. Complex nuclei; evidence from syllable weight 257
8.4. Violations of SonPeak in MA 261
x TABLE OF CONTENTS
8.5. The syllable structure of words 267
8.5.1. A constraint-based analogue of right-to-left scan 269
8.5.2. Kerneis ending in eCC;FinH 273
8.5.3. Sonority in rimes; NoRR 276
8.5.4. Favoring sonority peaks as nuclei; SonPeak 282
8.5.5. Kerneis ending in eC;FinL 284
8.5.6. Free variants in which SonPeak overrides FinL 288
8.6. Summary 290
Chapter 9. Vowelless syllables in Moroccan Arabic 291-334
9.1. The new analysis is simpler 292
9.2. Expanded hollow syllables 296
9.3. Comparing Tashlhiyt and MA 303
9.3.1. Well-formed sequences of syllables in MA and
in Tashlhiyt 303
9.3.2. Strings pronounced alike in MA and in Tashlhiyt 306
9.3.3. Glides which are sonority peaks 308
9.3.3.1. Vocalized glides 309
9.3.3.2. @w diphthongs; NoRR violations 313
9.4. Releases in sequences of sibling consonants 317
9.4.1. Fusion and NO-TREBLE 318
9.4.2. Earlier views on releases in sibling sequences 320
9.4.3. Releases between short sibling stops 324
9.5. Stable schwas 328
9.6. Summary of Chapter 9 and issues for further research 332
Appendix I. Preliminaries to Appendices Hand III 335-341
Appendix H. Song 343-347
Appendix III. Oratorical encounter 349-357
Appendix IV. Five Ashlhiy tunes 359-361
Appendix V. List of verbs with imperfective gemination 363-366
References 367-377
Index 379-385
SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS
y IPA [j]
s
IPA [f]
i. IPA [3]
x IPA [X]
y IPA [1$]
h IPA [6]
A 1. syllable nucleus; 2. (only in §3.6) dorsoparyngealized
('emphatic')
<A> 1. extrametric (Rifian); 2. example in Chap 8
2 stop release
pause
11
» ranked higher than (constraints)
+ cover symbol ranging over -, =, #
word-internal morpheme boundary
= boundary between clitic and host
=
# word boundary other than
(period) syllable boundary
(tilde) the preceding symbol represents the first half of a
geminate
+ occurs between two identical letters to indicate that they
do not represent an underlying geminate
* (asterisk) precedes an ill-formed item
AD lad! (complementizer)
aor aorist
AR larl (imperfective preverb)
aug augmentative
aux auxiliary
b bound state
C any segment which is not a V
C: geminated C
CA Classical Arabic
D coda
cau causative
col collective
dat dative
DE DelI and Elmedlaoui
def definite
dem demonstrative
Xl