Suicide Bombers KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0000 pprree ii 55//11//0055 66::4466::0022 ppmm This book is supported by the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs, as part of the Burgess programme headed for the French Embassy in London by the Institut Français du Royaume-Uni KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0000 pprree iiii 55//11//0055 66::4466::0033 ppmm Suicide Bombers Allah’s New Martyrs Farhad Khosrokhavar Translated by David Macey P Pluto Press LONDON (cid:127) ANN ARBOR, MI KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0000 pprree iiiiii 55//11//0055 66::4466::0033 ppmm First published 2002 as Les Nouveaux Martyrs d’Allah by Flammarion. English-language edition published 2005 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA and 839 Greene Street, Ann Arbor, MI 48106 www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Farhad Khosrokhavar 2005. Translation © David Macey 2005 The right of Farhad Khosrokhavar to be identifi ed as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 0 7453 2284 0 hardback ISBN 0 7453 2283 2 paperback Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data applied for 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Designed and produced for Pluto Press by Chase Publishing Services, Fortescue, Sidmouth, EX10 9QG, England Typeset from disk by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Printed and bound in Canada by Transcontinental Printing KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0000 pprree iivv 55//11//0055 66::4466::0033 ppmm Contents A Note on Terminology vi Introduction 1 Two Forms of Martyrdom 4 1 Islam 11 Jihad: Holy War 13 Martyrdom in Islam 20 The Diffi cult Secularisation of Religion 25 Reinterpretations of Martyrdom and Jihad 28 The Paradoxical Individualisation of Religious Discourse 52 Martyropathy 58 Death and Fear of Dying 62 2 The Impossible National Community 70 Martyrdom in Iran 70 Martyrdom in Palestine 109 Lebanon: Between Martyrdom and Absurdity 141 3 The Transnational Neo-umma: al-Qaeda’s Martyrs 149 Diasporic Ummas 149 Forms of Humiliation 152 A New Self-consciousness 153 The World Metropolis 158 Organisational Forms 161 Different Types of Actor 174 The New Middle-class Diaspora 175 The Case of Britain 195 The Case of America 200 Jihadist Families 204 Converts 206 The Exclusion of Women 217 The New Globalised Imaginary 219 Conclusion 225 Afterword to the English Edition 230 Index 255 KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0000 pprree vv 55//11//0055 66::4466::0033 ppmm A Note on Terminology The terms ‘terrorism’ and ‘jihadism’, ‘terrorist activity’ and ‘jihadist activity’ are used here as though they were interchangeable. They are used, that is, in the sense in which they are used in the West and in the press, and have no predetermined value. What one side sees as terrorism or jihadism can be experienced or perceived by the other side as a war of national liberation or an attempt to fi ght the global hegemony of the West. It can always be argued that only tiny minorities are involved in so-called terrorist activities and that they are not recognised by the moral majority they claim to represent. Al- Qaeda claims to represent a global Muslim community which is not, in many countries, prepared to follow it, even though bin Laden may be celebrated as a hero. Similarly, Italy’s Red Brigades and Germany’s Rote Armee Faktion claimed to represent a working class that did not support them, even though a few working-class individuals may have hero-worshipped them. In general, we will describe as ‘terrorist’ activities that take a totality or group as an ideal reference or principle of legitimacy, even though that group or totality does not actually support its members’ actions. In some Muslim societies, bin Laden is glorifi ed as the man who took symbolic revenge on an arrogant America and, more generally, an impertinent West. Such societies may well hero-worship him, but they do not want him as their leader. His role is rather like that played by Che Guevara in Western countries and in Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s. vi KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0000 pprree vvii 55//11//0055 66::4466::0033 ppmm Introduction Throughout the twentieth century, the modern world strove to relegate religion to the realm of the private affairs of the individual. Over the last decades, however, we have seen the return in force of ostentatious forms of religiosity that defy the public space they invest. They reject society, and may even declare war on it. Far from representing relics of an archaism faced with extinction, these violent religiosities are part of the modern world. The dynamic that produces them is the same dynamic that defi nes our cultural and political conditions of existence. Often characterised by the preponderant role played by death in their worldviews, they affect almost all religions, even though we will be looking exclusively at Islam here simply because the author of these lines is not competent to speak about other religions. In the West, the problem of Islam and its activist forms arises for many different reasons. On the one hand, old barriers are breaking down as globalisation makes it diffi cult for the discrete and watertight civilisations of the past to go on existing. A hundred years ago, the population of the West was overwhelmingly Christian. That is no longer the case. In less than half a century, the upheavals of the modern world and the intermingling of peoples of different origins within it have resulted in the establishment of sizeable Muslim minorities in almost all countries. Muslims are now part of the cultural and religious landscape, be it in France (some four million), England (one and a half million), Germany (over three million), elsewhere in Europe or in the United States (some four million). The globalised world also generates a number of interrelated symbolic and cultural phenomena, thanks to the modern media and new forms of communication, mass population movements from one corner of the globe to another, and the formation of ever more varied diasporas. Events like the war in Bosnia or the struggles in the Palestinian territories are watched in real time by television viewers all over the world and inspire an almost simultaneous feeling of compassion, indignation, solidarity and revulsion. This too is breaking down the barriers between the various parts of the world. The overwhelming majority of Muslims living in the West adapt to their host countries and are eventually integrated into them. A tiny 1 KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0011 iinnttrroo 11 55//11//0055 44::5500::2277 ppmm 2 Suicide Bombers minority become radicalised for the specifi c reasons examined in the following analyses. There are various reasons for this. There are, to begin with, problems relating to the independence of former colonies after the Second World War (the Muslim territory of Kashmir, where the Indian-controlled area has given rise to confl ict between Pakistan and India), but there are also problems relating to the creation of Israel and the Six Days War, and to the collapse of the Soviet Empire (Bosnia, Chechnya or even Afghanistan). Those Islamic forms of struggle that result in jihad or martyrdom relate to the establishment of new nations that fi nd obstacles in their way or, as in the case of Iran, to the formation of nations that fi nd themselves at war with other countries. Despite the differences between the cases of Iran, Palestine, Chechnya, Algeria or Afghanistan, the one thing that they do have in common is that they are inspired by Islamic movements that have a clearly identifi ed goal. The enemy they are fi ghting is also clearly defi ned. In Iran, the goal of the war against Iraq was, on the one hand, to preserve national independence and the gains of the Islamic Revolution on the one hand and, on the other, to fi ght the Iraqi enemy. Anti-Western rhetoric made the anti-imperialist struggle one of the issues at stake in the Islamic Revolution, but that goal was quickly marginalised. A fundamentally different form of martyrdom came into being as a direct result of the collapse of the bipolar world and the Soviet Empire. This is al-Qaeda’s form of martyrdom. Although it does have many things in common with national forms of martyrdom, the subjectivity that inspires its actors and the form taken by its hatred of the world are fundamentally different. The interpretation offered here is based upon the analysis of texts, my fi eld experience as a sociologist and anthropologist working in the Islamic world and in France, but also upon interviews carried out over a period of 18 months in French prisons with Muslims. Some were jailed for associating with wrongdoers in order to plan acts of terror, whilst others were radical Islamists or accused of belonging to Islamist networks. These interviews reveal the specifi city of their commitment and of the way they live their subjectivity. One myth dies hard. Martyrs are described as ‘Allah’s madmen’. They are described as being motivated by something approaching dementia, or as being out of step with the Western life way of life. They have personality problems, or quite simply have not succeeded in integrating into our societies. They are, in other words, not modern and are simply incapable of behaving as responsible and autonomous KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0011 iinnttrroo 22 55//11//0055 44::5500::2288 ppmm Introduction 3 individuals. They have also been marginalised and excluded, and they react to their social and economic exclusion by rebelling against society. This is to some extent true of the young people in the suburbs in French cities, and in poor neighbourhoods in England. A minority of al-Qaeda-style martyrs would recognise themselves in this description. But the vast majority of the network’s members cannot be categorised in this way. Their subjectivity is not that of marginalised or wretched individuals who have been excluded or rejected by society. They are often from the middle classes and have no major problems in integrating. In most cases, they are in fact much more integrated than the average citizen. The Islamist activists who become al-Qaeda-style transnational terrorists are much more complex than most people imagine. They are usually described as representatives of something archaic or simply naive creatures who are not strong enough to come to terms with the complexity of contemporary society, and who are being manipulated by a few masterminds. Even if these descriptions are in part accurate, they miss the essential point. On the contrary, such terrorists are, in a way, products of our world. Their ideal is to create a transnational neo-umma, but its myths and fantasies are as vague as those of our modernity, at least amongst those who have been brought up in Europe, converts and many second-generation immigrants from North Africa, Pakistan or other Muslim countries. They construct their individuality on the basis of a new relationship with the contemporary world. The logic at work in their groups is to some extent similar to that at work in modern cults. Whilst we have to note that contemporary Islamic martyrdom can take different forms, we must also avoid two pitfalls. If we regard each case as though it were unique or, on the contrary, identify radicalisation with mere fundamentalism or Islamism, there is a danger that our analysis will be fl awed. We will try, insofar as it is possible to do so, to penetrate the subjectivity of these actors and to describe in phenomenological terms their motivations, their intentionality, their mental construction of the world, and their way of inserting themselves into the world whilst protesting against it at the same time. This by no means implies an apologetic conception of their actions or their representation of the world. Understanding is not legitimisation. A sociology or anthropology that makes no attempt to understand and condemns their subjectivity out of hand or gives a traditional or premodern vision will get us nowhere because it makes it impossible to think seriously about the ills of our modern KKhhoossrrookkhhaavvaarr 0011 iinnttrroo 33 55//11//0055 44::5500::2288 ppmm
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