Strategic Protection of Vital U.S. Assets Abroad: Intellectual Property Protection in the Trans-Pacific Partnership A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science of the College of Arts and Sciences by Kyla Dahlquist B.A. University of Cincinnati B.A. University of Cincinnati June 2012 Committee Chair: T.G. Moore, Ph.D. Abstract In 2012, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) submitted a high- standards intellectual property (IP) provision to the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiation forum. Indications that this provision is incredibly aggressive were seemingly confirmed by a series of draft leaks on the Internet, leading to overwhelmingly negative assessments of the USTR and the U.S. trade agenda in the Asia-Pacific. However, these scholars and analysts have not adequately addressed the strategic element of the U.S. trade agenda regarding intellectual property. Arguments have been made regarding the strategic importance of the TPP negotiations, as a whole, to the U.S.: economically, politically, and even militarily. I will argue that the U.S. trade agenda regarding intellectual property in the Asia-Pacific region, specifically, is not counter to these strategic interests. Examining the reasoning behind this policy is the primary objective of this comparative analysis of the perceived intellectual property protections of TPP states. One of the primary, overarching purposes of this examination is to contribute to the discussion of intellectual property as an all-encompassing security issue. I propose that promoting the effective enforcement and implementation of intellectual property protections within other countries provides the United States with a mechanism for countering the unilaterally insurmountable security issues of the twenty-first century, including cyber-espionage and forced technology transfer. I will argue that it is the long-term external effects that provide the most persuasive explanation for U.S. behavior in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations. The United States is still proceeding in a strategic manner, establishing long-term mechanisms for the protection of U.S. interests abroad through bilateral and small-scale trans-regional agreements with limited membership rather than global international institutions in an effort to hedge against the rising power in Asia: China. I have conducted a descriptive, exploratory analysis of the U.S. perception of the intellectual property protections provided in trade partner states. I have defined these protections according to the legal infrastructure and the enforcement capacity of that trade partner. In addition to China, four TPP negotiation members have been selected as case studies for this analysis based upon their Special 301 designations from 2001 to 2014: Canada, Chile, Peru, and Vietnam. ii ii i Table of Contents Title Page Abstract Table of Contents List of Tables and Figures Abbreviations I. Introduction 9 II. Research Objective and Hypotheses 12 A. Research Objective 13 B. Research Questions and Hypotheses 13 C. Caveats and Contextualization 15 III. Background 17 A. Defining the Concept: Intellectual Property 18 B. The Internationalization of IP Law: The Multilateral Approach 23 C. The Internationalization of IP Law: Moving Away from Multilateralism? 29 i. U.S. Unilateralism 30 ii. U.S. Bilateralism and Plurilateralism 31 iii. The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement 36 a. The Trans-Pacific Partnership: What Is It? 36 b. The Trans-Pacific Partnership: Perspectives 37 1. Human Rights 37 2. Institutional Undercutting 40 3. Inconsistency 41 4. Back-Door Politics 42 5. Introducing a Balanced Analysis of the Unknown 43 IV. Theoretical Foundation 46 A. Power and Transformations 47 B. International Political Economy and International Relations Theory 52 i. State-centricity 53 ii. Security 54 a. Defining “Security” 55 b. The Security in the Protection of Intellectual Property 57 C. International Relations Theory and the Rise of China 60 V. Methodological Approach 67 A. Methods 67 B. Case Selection 68 C. Data 70 i. Sources of Data 71 ii. Coding and Interpreting the Data 72 a. Enforcement Capacity Issues (ECI) 73 b. Lacking Legal Infrastructure (LLI) 75 VI. Case Profiles 76 A. Canada 76 i. The U.S.-Canada Relationship 76 ii. Perceived IP Protection Issues 79 B. Chile 84 iv i. The U.S.-Chile Relationship 85 ii. Perceived IP Protection Issues 86 C. Peru 91 i. The U.S.-Peru Relationship 91 ii. Perceived IP Protection Issues 93 D. Vietnam 96 i. The U.S.-Vietnam Relationship 96 ii. Perceived Intellectual Property Protection Issues 98 E. China 102 i. The U.S.-China Relationship 103 ii. Perceived Intellectual Property Protection Issues 104 VII. Comparison and Results 115 VII. Conclusions and Possibilities for Further Research 118 Bibliography 121 Appendices 147 Appendix 1. Special 301 Designation Charts 147 Appendix 2. Perceived Intellectual Property Protection Issues Scoring 155 Appendix 2.1. Perceived Intellectual Property Issues—Canada 155 Appendix 2.2. Perceived Intellectual Property Issues—Chile 169 Appendix 2.3. Perceived Intellectual Property Issues—China 183 Appendix 2.4. Perceived Intellectual Property Issues—Peru 211 Appendix 2.5. Perceived Intellectual Property Issues—Vietnam 225 Appendix 3. International Legal Framework 239 v Tables and Figures Tables Page Table 1. Canada: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 83 Table 2. Chile: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 89 Table 3. Peru: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 95 Table 4. Vietnam: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 100 Table 5. China: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 111 Figures Page Figure 1. Special 301 Designations: Average, 2001-2014 68 Figure 2. Special 301 Designations: Comparison of Averages 71 Figure 3. U.S. Exports & Imports—Canada, 2001-2013 77 Figure 4. U.S. Balance of Payments—Canada, 2001-2013 77 Figure 5. Canada: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 79 Figure 6. Canada: ECI and LLI Scores, 2001-2014 81 Figure 7. U.S. Exports & Imports—Chile, 2001-2013 85 Figure 8. U.S. Balance of Payments—Chile, 2001-2013 85 Figure 9. Chile: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 87 Figure 10. Chile: ECI and LLI Scores, 2001-2014 88 Figure 11. U.S. Exports & Imports—Peru, 2001-2013 92 Figure 12. U.S. Balance of Payments—Peru, 2001-2013 92 Figure 13. Peru: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 93 Figure 14. Peru: ECI and LLI Scores, 2001-2014 94 Figure 15. U.S. Exports & Imports—Vietnam, 2001-2013 97 Figure 16. U.S. Balance of Payments—Vietnam, 2001-2013 97 Figure 17. Vietnam: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 98 Figure 18. Vietnam: ECI and LLI Scores, 2001-2014 99 Figure 19. U.S. Exports & Imports—China, 2001-2013 103 Figure 20. U.S. Balance of Payments—China, 2001-2013 103 Figure 21. China: Perceived IP Protection Issues, 2001-2014 105 Figure 22. China: ECI and LLI Scores, 2001-2014 109 v i Abbreviations ACTA Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement AI Amnesty International ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations AUSFTA Australia-U.S. Free Trade Agreement BIT bilateral investment treaty DMCA U.S. Digital Millennium Copyright Act ECI enforcement capacity issues EU European Union FoD Friends of Development FTA free trade agreement GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade GIPC U.S. Chamber of Commerce Global Intellectual Property Center IP intellectual property IPRs intellectual property rights KORUS Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement LLI lacking legal infrastructure MFN most-favored nation principle MNC multi-national corporation NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement NGO non-governmental organizations NTB non-tariff barrier PhRMA Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America PTA preferential trade agreement R&D research and development SOPA U.S. Stop Online Piracy Act TPP Trans-Pacific Partnership TPSEP Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership TRIPS Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights USPTO U.S. Patent and Trademark Office USSFTA U.S.-Singapore Free Trade Agreement USTR U.S. Trade Representative WIPO World Intellectual Property Organization WTO World Trade Organization vi i “… the State Department today is very clear that economic policy is foreign policy and foreign policy is economic policy. And all of our people – the people of China, the people of the United States, really the people of the world – are looking for their fair opportunities… We are in the middle of negotiating now a bilateral investment treaty… We want to have an intellectual/technology trade agreement. We need to make sure we’re protecting intellectual property rights; make sure we’re creating transparency in the regulatory process; make sure that we are raising the bar for everybody in a sense, in terms of the standards by which we do business.” – U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, Addressing a CEO Roundtable Discussion in Beijing, China, July 2014 I. Introduction In the United States, individuals identify social status by the intellectual property they wear, drive, read, hear, and even eat, though very few people think of it in such terms. “These days, for example, one can not even eat a simple breakfast without immersing oneself in intellectual property.” Law Professor William P. Alford quipped during a 1994 speech. “Or, at least, so I am regularly reminded, as I pour what I fear may be genetically enhanced milk over my trademarked bananas and flakes made of hybrid corn and sold in trademarked packages covered with copyrighted advertising blather.”1 Despite the lack of general recognition of its importance, intellectual property is arguably one of the most essential assets for the future prosperity and economic welfare of the United States. Recognizing the centrality of intellectual property to the economy, the United States government has placed the issue high on the trade agenda for the last several decades. Indeed, the U.S. has developed numerous tools to promote greater global intellectual property standardization over the last 25 to 30 years. From the standard- 1 Ibid., 12. 2 In the context of this analysis, ‘Multilateral’ and ‘Multilateralism’ refer to the inclusive systemic-level deliberation and agreement upon issues affecting the way that states interact in the international system. 1 standard setting multilateral2 TRIPS agreement to bilateral3 TRIPS-plus harmonization agreements such as the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA), negotiations regarding intellectual property have continued along a trajectory toward greater harmonization of internal policies between states. As harmonization becomes more acute, smaller forums of like-minded states have become more necessary to gain consensus on trading issues. The United States uses bilateral and plurilateral4 forums to promote its trading interests, carefully assessing the issues that need redress in other states. In order to do so effectively, the United States maintains a number of unilateral5 mechanisms for reviewing potentially damaging practices in foreign countries. These unilateral policies, however, are more than just review mechanisms: they have teeth of their own. In the late 1980s, the United States created a mechanism that would allow the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to (1) unilaterally review the trade practices of each of its trading partners, (2) report issues that could impede the access or value of U.S. goods and services within a given state, and (3) apply enforcement measures as necessary. At that time, the supporting congressional members believed that the trade deficit with Japan and other states could be rectified if those states 2 In the context of this analysis, ‘Multilateral’ and ‘Multilateralism’ refer to the inclusive systemic-level deliberation and agreement upon issues affecting the way that states interact in the international system. Examples include TRIPS, GATT/WTO, the United Nations, etc. Disambiguation: Unilateralism, Plurilateralism, Multilateralism. 3 ‘Bilateral’ and ‘Bilateralism’, in this analysis, refer to joint policies negotiated and adopted by two states. Disambiguation: Unilateralism, Plurilateralism, Multilateralism. 4 In this analysis, ‘Plurilateral’ and ‘Plurilateralism’ refer to negotiation within a forum of three or more states or actors regarding issues that affect those negotiating parties. Regional trade agreements are plurilateral agreements. Examples include, the ACTA, ASEAN, APEC, etc. The WTO defines plurilateral agreements as minority interest agreements among several states that seek greater liberalization. See, World Trade Organization, “Understanding the WTO: The Agreements – Plurilaterals: of minority interest.” Disambiguation: Unilateralism, Plurilateralism, Multilateralism. 5 In this analysis, ‘unilateral’ and ‘unilateralism’ refer to the practice of determining the policies that affect other states exclusively within one state. The term also refers to the enforcement of policies that have been determined on the bilateral, plurilateral or multilateral scale without appropriate utilization of international dispute resolution mechanisms. Disambiguation: Unilateralism, Plurilateralism, Multilateralism. 2
Description: