State and Society in Eighteenth-century France: A Study in Political Power and Popular Revolution in Languedoc

256 Pages·2022·3.118 MB·English

by  Stephen Miller

StateandSocietyinEighteenth-CenturyFrance
Historical Materialism
Book Series
EditorialBoard
LorenBalhorn(Berlin)
DavidBroder(Rome)
SebastianBudgen(Paris)
SteveEdwards(London)
JuanGrigera(London)
MarcelvanderLinden(Amsterdam)
PeterThomas(London)
volume 263
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Contents
ListofFiguresandTables vii
Introduction 1
1 ThePeasantEconomy,SeigneurialRegime,andState 18
2 TheRewardsofRoyalService 44
3 CrownandNobilityinaTimeofFinancialDifficulties:RoyalPolicy
1758–89 76
4 RevolutionaryPolitics1788–91:DespotismandEquality 105
5 PopularRevolts,PoliticalAuthorityandtheRevolutionaryDynamic,
1789–93 130
6 PoliticsandClass,1792–99:Radicalism,Terror,andRepression 161
Conclusion 188
Appendix 203
Bibliography 214
Index 242

Figures andTables
Figures
1.1 MapofthejurisdictionoftheParlementofToulouse 22
1.2 MapofthecivildiocesesofLanguedocbefore1789 23
2.1 Laurent-NicolasdeJoubert,sonofPhilippe-LaurentdeJoubert.Artist:
François-XavierFabre,apainterofmonarchistsympathies,whosestudieswere
fundedbyPhilippedeJoubert.FabrefledtheRevolutiontoItalyin1793.Getty
Museum 61
2.2 LaPromenadedePeyrou,Montpellier.LibraryofCongress 65
2.3 Thearena,Nîmes,France.LibraryofCongress 66
4.1 MapofthedepartmentsoftheformerprovinceofLanguedoc 114
5.1 DowriesoftheinhabitantsoftheNarbonnaisandCorbièresintheeighteenth
century 135
5.2 AssertionsofseigneurialrightsbydepartmentinoldregimeLanguedoc 155
Tables
1.1 SeigneurialleviesinLanguedoc 32
1.2 Judicialrulingsfavourabletoseigneurs1750–89 35
1.3 RulingsoftheParlementofToulouseenforcingseigneurialrights 40
2.1 Gagesofassociationsofofficeholders 45
2.2 Feescollectedbyassociationsofofficeholders 46
2.3 AveragedirecttaxpaidbyinhabitantsindiversepartsofLanguedoc 54
2.4 RevenuedistributedinconjunctionwiththeannualmeetingoftheEstatesof
Languedoc 71
4.1 MunicipalcouncilofToulouse,February1790 118
4.2 CapitationofAlbi,1787 119
4.3 CapitationofMontpellier,1789 125
6.1 PercentageofthosearrestedintheGardin1793andtheyeariiclassifiedby
socialandprofessionalgroup 179
6.2 PercentageofthoseexecutedintheGardduringtheTerrorclassifiedby
profession 180
6.3 PercentageofmembersofthemunicipalcouncilofMontpellierclassifiedby
socialandprofessionalgroup 182
6.4 PercentageofmembersofthemunicipalcouncilofToulouseclassifiedby
socialandprofessionalgroup 183
viii figures and tables
A.1 Recipientsof5,347,859LivresreimbursedbytheEstatesofLanguedocin1786
forloanstakenoutforthekingeveryyearsince1775 204
A.2 CreditorsofthedioceseofMontpellier 206
A.3 CreditorsofthedioceseofToulouse,1787and1788 207
A.4 ClassificationofprofessionsforfiveLanguedocianvillages 208
A.5 PeasantrevoltsinthedepartmentsofoldregimeLanguedoc 210
Introduction
The intermediate, subordinate and dependent powers constitute
thenatureof monarchicalgovernment;Imeanof thatinwhicha
singlepersongovernsbyfundamentallaws.Isaidintermediate,sub-
ordinate and dependent powers. And, indeed, in monarchies the
prince is the source of all power, political and civil. These funda-
mentallawsnecessarilysupposetheintermediatechannelsthrough
whichthepowerflows:foriftherebeonlythemomentaryandcapri-
ciouswillofasinglepersontogovernthestate,nothingcanbefixed,
and,ofcourse,thereisnofundamentallaw.
Themostnatural,intermediateandsubordinatepoweristhatofthe
nobility.Thisinsomemeasureseemstobeessentialtoamonarchy,
whosefundamentalmaximis,nomonarch,nonobility;nonobility,
nomonarch.
montesquieu,TheSpiritoftheLaws1
∵
Instatingthatkingsruledthroughthenobility,Montesquieuidentifiedthedis-
tinctiveattributeofEuropeanmonarchies.Hereditarynobilitysetthemapart
fromtherepublicsofantiquityanddespotismsoftheEast.Thenoblesheldpos-
itionsinthe‘intermediate,subordinateanddependentpowers’andinthisway
‘constitute[d]thenatureofmonarchicalgovernment’.Theyheldlordshipsover
peasantvillages,beneficesintheupperechelonsof theChurch,venaloffices
inthehightribunals,andclaimsonrevenuefromthetaxfarms.
Theseintermediatepowerspermittedthenobilitytotakewealthfromcom-
monsubjects.Theyacquiredfortunes‘bytakingawayapartof thecitizenry’s
physicalnecessities’.Thegreatertheirwealth–‘from…thewholesalemerchant
(négociant),tothenobles,magistrates,greatseigneurs,principalfinanciers,to
theprinces’–themoretheyhadtospendonluxurysoastorestoretoproducers
themeanstosurvive.2
‘honour,thatis,theprejudiceofeachpersonandeachcondition’iswhat
prompted luxury spending. It was a certain grandeur or dignity of the soul,
1 Montesquieu1949,vol.1,pp.15–16.
2 Montesquieu1949,vol.1,pp.15–18,53–4,67–70,163.Quotationvol.1,p.98.
©
2 introduction
whichsetthesocialandpoliticalforcesofmonarchicalgovernmentinmotion.
Royal subjects were consumed by the ambition to distinguish themselves.
Montesquieu argued that public honours increased in proximity to the king
and all the riches of his court, and shone downward from this zenith of the
state through the nobles to the people. The most honourable pursuit of the
realmwastoservetheking,particularlyinwar.3
Monarchical government required stable laws and written customs. An
arbitraryandcapriciousrulercouldpubliclyhumiliatehissubjectsandcom-
promise their honour. Accordingly, Montesquieu held that venality of office
wasagoodpracticein monarchies,becauseitmade theordersandranksof
thestatemorepermanent.Hereditaryownersofofficescouldnotbedismissed
for refusing to comply with orders.They thus militated against ill-conceived
policiesemanatingfromtheroyalcouncil.Venality,Montesquieuargued,made
governmentaltasksafamilyprofessionandbuiltupasenseofcommitmentto
officialduties.Officesinthesovereigntribunals(therobenobilityofthejudi-
ciary)formedkeypartsof theintermediatepowers,recordingtheproperties,
honours, ranks, origins, rules, and restrictions applying to each subject. The
judgesearnedtheadmirationoftheircountrymenbylookingaftereveryone’s
rights.4
Thenoblesnotonlyusedtheirpositionsinthemonarchytoupholdtheir
rightstoeconomicresources,publichonoursandpoliticalcareers.Theyalso
usedthesepositionstoupholdroyalsovereignty.Kingswereundoubtedly‘the
sourceof allpower’.Yettheydidnotexercisepowerallbythemselves.Mon-
archical government required intermediate powers or ‘chiefs’, Montesquieu
argued, to keep the people from taking things to extremes and to prevent
the emergence of seditious elements, which might overthrow the king and
instigaterevolution.Thesovereigntribunalshadtheconfidenceofthepeople,
andindifficulttimes,couldsetthemright,orreducethemtoproperobedi-
ence.5
Thisbookexaminestheforegoing‘fundamentalmaxim…nomonarch,no
nobility;nonobility,nomonarch’.Itprobestherelationshipbetweentheking
at the apex of the state and ‘the intermediate, subordinate and dependent
powers’,whichimposedhispoliciesononeoftheprincipalprovinces,Langue-
doc.Theargumentisthatscholarsmustfocusonthissocialconfigurationto
understandtheoriginandunfoldingoftheFrenchRevolution.
3 Montesquieu1949,vol.1,pp.24–5,29–32,57,115.Quotationvol.1,p.24.
4 Montesquieu1949,vol.1,pp.15–18,23–4,25–6,53–4,55–7,67–73.
5 Montesquieu1949,vol.1,pp.15–18,55–6.LouisAlthussercalledattentiontothesepassages
1972,pp.85–6.