ALGEBRAIC CALCULATION OF THE RAINBOW & CALCULATION OF CHANCES ARCHIVES INTERNATIONALES D'HISTOIRE DES IDEES INTERNAn ONAL ARCHIVES OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS 108 SPINOZA'S ALGEBRAIC CALCULA nON OF THE RAINBOW & CALCULA nON OF CHANCES Directors: P. Dibon (Paris) and R. Popkin (Washington Univ. St. Louis) Editorial Board: J.F. Battail (Uppsala); F. Duchesneau (Montreal); T. Gregory (Rome); J.D. North (Groningen); M.J. Petry (Rotterdam); Ch.B. Schmitt (Warburg Inst. London). Advisory Editorial Board:.J. Aubin (Paris); J. Collins (St. Louis Univ.); P. Costabel (Paris); A. Crombie (Oxford); H. de la Fontaine Verwey (Amster dam); H. Gadamer (Heidelberg); H. Gouhier (Paris); K. Hanada (Hokkaido University); W. Kirsop (Melbourne); P.O. Kristeller (Columbia Univ.); Elisabeth Labrousse (Paris); A. Lossky (Los Angeles); J. Malarczyk (Lublin); E. de Olaso (C.LF. Buenos Aires); J. Orcibal (Paris); Wolfgang Rod (Munchen); J. Roger (Paris); G. Rousseau (Los Angeles); H. Rowen (Rutgers Univ., N.J.); J.P. Schobinger (Zurich); G. Sebba (Emory Univ., Atlanta); R. Shackleton (Oxford); J. Tans (Groningen). SPINOZA'S Algebraic Calculation of the Rainbow & Calculation of Chances Edited and translated with an introduction, explanatory notes and an appendix by M.J. PETRY Professor of the History of Phzlosophy, Erasmus Unzverstty, Rotterdam 1985 MARTINUS NI]HOFF PUBLISHERS A MEMBER OF THE KLUWER ACADEMIC PUBLISHERS GROUP DORDRECHT . BOSTON LANCASTER Distributors for the United States and Canada: Kluv.'er Academic Publishers, 190 Old Derby Street, Hingham, MA 02043, USA for the UK and Ireland: Kluwer Academic Publishers, MTP Press Limited, Falcon House, Queen Square, Lancaster LAIIRN, England [or all other cOIwlries: Kluwer Academic Publishers Group, Distribution Center, P.O. Box 322, 3300 AH Dordrecht, The Netherlands Lihrary of Congress Cataloging In Publication Data Sptnc~a, Senec,ctu, de, 1632_1611. Splnoza's Aigebealc calculat,on of the ra,nbow. (ln~erna~ional archives of ~he his~ory of Ideas 108) TranslAtIon of: S,elkonstlge Reeckening van de Regcnbcog and S~mcnknoplng der Natuurkunde met d~ Ihskonsun. Illbliogeaphy: p. Inelud", index. 1. Ralnbow __ Eady ,"orks 1.0 1800. 2. Probabillou- Early work. to 1800. ). Sc,cnce __ Ph,losophy __ F.arly ,",ork. to 1800. I- p.,tey, ~Ichael John. 11. Splnoza, Senedlctus de, 1632-1677. Samenknop.ng der n~tuurkundc met de wiskon'ten. Engl,.h. 198~. !11. Title: Splnoza'. Algebraic calculation of the ra!n bow. IV. Title: Algebra!c calculation of the rainbow. v. T.tle: C.lcuhtlon of chancu. VI. Series: Archives intetna~ionales d'hl$tolre des idees 108. QC976.R2~6\3 1985 551.~'67 85-8166 1SDN-\3: <J78-9.WIM753-7 1XX:1J7W1.ro).5007-9 Copyright © 1985 by Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht Sotlo::MY n-pirtofdlChnUM.YIstWti.rJ 1985 All rights reserved. No part of this public:ltion may bc reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, mechanical, photocopy ing, recording. or utherwise, without the prior written permIssion of the publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, P.O. Box 163, 3300 AD Dordrecht, The Netherlands. 4 CONTENTS Introduction .................................... . 7 A. The text ................................... . 7 B. The background ............................. . 13 C. The significance ............................. . 19 Bibliographical note .............................. . 21 Algebraic Calculation of the Rainbow ............... . 25 To the Reader ................................. . 29 Calculation of the Rainbow ..................... . 33 Calculation of Chances ........................... . 73 First proposition ............................... . 81 Second proposition ............................ . 87 The Text ....................................... . 89 Appendix: The authenticity and significance of the texts on the rainbow and probability ..................... . 91 A. Spinoza's contemporaries ..................... . 91 B. The 1687 edition ............................ . 104 C. Background and editorial work since 1860 ...... . 128 D. The significance ............................. . 137 Index .......................................... . 153 5 INTRODUCTION A. THE TEXT The main importance of these two treatises lies in the insight they provide into Spinoza's conception of the relation between mathematics and certain disciplines not touched upon elsewhere in his major writings. The mathematics they involve are not the same as those of the Ethics however, and the precise connection between the geometrical order of this work and these excursions into optics and probability is by no means obvious. Add to this difficulty the knotty problems presented by their editorial his tory, dating and scientific background, and it is not perhaps surprising that in spite of the fact that they provide such an excellent illustration of Spinoza's reaction to certain important developments in the history of physics and mathematics, they should not, so far, have attracted much attention. They were first published in 1687 by Levyn van Dyck (d. 1695), official printer to the town council in The Hague. Printing anything by Spinoza was not without its risks, and it is probably significant that during the same year van Dyck should also have published a lengthy and elaborate refutation of Spinozism by the pious and eccentric physician ].F. Helvetius.1 Spinoza's name was omitted from the title-page, possibly because the editor or publisher thought that his reputation as an atheist might prejudice the sale of the booklet, and it was not until 1860 that the Amsterdam bookseller Frederik Muller (1817-1881) identified him as its author. The treatise on the rainbow was subsequently included, together with a Latin translation, in van Vloten's edition of Spinoza's minor writings (1862), and twenty years later both treatises made their first appearance in the collected works. The printing in 1687 must have been very small, 1. ].F. Helvetius (1629-1709), Adams oud Graft (,s-Gravenhage, 1687), see especially pp. 1-59. On Levyn van Dyck, see E.F. Kossmann, De Boekhandel te 's-Gravenhage tot het emd van de l8de Eeuw (,s-Gravenhage, 1937), pp. 113-117. 7 M.J. PETRY for only four copies of the original appear to have survived.2 The first edition cannot have been prepared for the press by any of Spinoza's closest associates, nor can it have attracted much attention, for although those who wrote about him soon after his death knew that he was the author of a treatise on the rainbow, they were generally of the opinion that he had burnt it and that it was therefore lost. Jarig Jelles, for example, in his preface to the Posthumous Works, published in the year of Spinoza's death, concluded his discussion of the completeness of this edition of his friend's literary remains by assuring his readers that it was: 'not improbable that some of our author's material, now in the keeping of someone or other, has not been included'. He continued: 'The reader may rest assured, how ever, that this material contains nothing not to be found in various parts of the present publication; the only exception to this being, perhaps, a small Treatise on the Rainbow, which he is known to have composed, and which, if he did not burn it, as he is believed to have done, is still in the keeping of someone or other, although it is not known who.' The Van der Spyck family, with whom Spinoza had lodged during the last years of his life, subsequently confirmed this. They informed Sebastian Kort holt, for example, that although Spinoza had expended much labour upon the treatise, he had burnt it during the last year of his life. Johann Kohler, after having made a comprehensive enquiry some sixteen years after Spinoza's death, published the following account of its fate: 'I am acquainted here with people of standing who have seen and read this treatise, but who dissuaded him from publishing it. Those in whose house he lived inform me that this so vexed him that six months before he died he burnt the work.'3 One can well imagine those aware of the problems then facing anyone attempting to provide a theoretical framework for ex- 2. J. van Vloten, Ad Benedtctt de Spmoza Opera quae supersunt omma supplemen tum (Amsterdam, 1862), pp. 252-285; Opera quotquot reperta sunt (ed. J. van Vloten and J.P.N. Land, 2 vols., The Hague, 1882/3), vol. II, pp. 507-524; J. Kingma and A.K. Offen berg, 'Bibliography of Spinoza's works up to 1800', Studia Rosenthaliana, Vol. XI, No.1 Uanuary 1977), p. 3l. 3. All these sources are to be found in J. Freudenthal, Dte Lebensgeschtchte Spmoza's (Leipzig, 1899), and C. Gebhardt, Baruch de Spmoza. Sdmtliche Werke (3 vols., Leipzig, 1914122), Vol. 3, pt. 2. 8 INTRODUCTION perimental optics dissuading Spinoza from publishing the treatise, for in spite of the fact that for more than a decade prior to his death the Cartesian theory of light and colours was no longer acceptable to informed investigators, the conception of colour basic to his exposition is still wholly Cartesian. Descartes had assumed, for example, that there are only three ways in which light may be propagated, - directly, refractively and by reflection, whereas by the middle of the 1660's Grimaldi's dis covery of diffraction had been made known, and probably encouraged Huygens to develop the wave theory of light he first announced publicly in 1679. In 1665 Robert Hooke published an attempt to explain the colours produced in thin plates of mica by conceiving of light as a vibrative phenomenon, and soon after wards Newton first performed the famous series of prismatic experiments which led him to regard white light as consisting of dissimilar components which can be separated out by refrac tion.4 Descartes (Les Meteores viii, 1637) had attempted to ex plain colour by conceiving of light as the action or movement of an extremely subtle matter, the parts of which are tiny globules capable of rolling through the pores of terrestrial bodies and rotating with varying velocities. Although Huygens (CEuvres X, p. 405) subsequently observed that there was nothing less likely than this explanation, Spinoza, evidently wholly unaware of the developments taking place in the theoretical foundations of experimental optics, blithely refers to it as, 'a fine discovery' (p. 37). It is unlikely that Spinoza would have adopted such an un critical attitude to Cartesian optics had he composed his treatise much later than 1667. It is apparent from his correspondence moreover, that between the early summer of 1665 and the spring of 1667 theoretical dioptrics occupied a great deal of his atten tion. In April 1665 for example, Henry Oldenburg, Secretary of the Royal Society, informed him of the publication of Robert Boyle'S Experiments and Considerations concerning Colours (1663), a work which he also discussed with Huygens.5 It was 4. A.1. Sabra, Theones of Light from Descartes to Newton (London, 1967). 5. Spmoza. Briefwlsselmg (ed. F. Akkerman, H.G. Hubbeling, A.G. Westerbrink, Amsterdam, 1977), nos. 25, 26, 36, 39, 40. 9 M.J. PETRY probably at about this time that he acquired his copy of James Gregory's (1638-1675) Optica Promota (London, 1663), and it may well have been the outdatedness of this work which first encouraged him to try his hand at expounding Descartes' expla nation of the rainbow by means of analytical geometry. When he wrote his book, Gregory evidently knew nothing of Des cartes, for he presents the law of refraction as an independent discovery and makes no attempt to explain the rainbow. Robert Murray, the first president of the Royal Society, was so im pressed by his abilities however, that he attempted to bring him into contact with Huygens, and this may well have led Spinoza to assume that Oldenburg and his colleagues needed enlighten ing with regard to the merits of Cartesian optics.6 During the following year Spinoza corresponded with Jan Hudde on lenses, and in March 1667 with J arig J elles on Descartes' dioptrics and telescopes. In spite of this exchange of ideas however, it is evident from the way in which Huygens refers to him in his correspondence (CEuvres VI, nos. 151-215, Sept. 1667-May 1668), that no very illuminating reaction to post-Cartesian op tics was to be expected from him, and Huygens was in fact well advised to confine himself to consulting him on the technicali ties of lens production. It is certainly significant that although all Spinoza's early biographers refer to his treatise on the rainbow, not one of them mentions the Calculation of Chances. It is apparent however, from a letter he wrote to Jan van der Meer (no. 38) that during the middle years of the 1660's he was also engaged in discussing the theory of probability with his friends and acquaintances.! Huygens had first opened this up as a field of mathematical enquiry in 1657, when he had published a work which was to remain the standard textbook on the subject for the rest of the 6. Spinoza's library list no. 62; Freudenthal, op. CU., pp. 161,279. Soon after his arrival in London in 1663 Gregory wrote out a still unpublished addendum to his OptiCS (David Gregory, B. 29, Edinburgh) revising his discussion of reflection and refraction in accordance with the sine law. 7. Briefwisselmg, no. 38; d. Freudenthal, op. Clt., p. 207. Prior to the evidence brought forward by D. Bierens de Haan in his edition of the two treatises (1884), there was some doubt as to whether they had originally been published as a single booklet. It is worth noting, therefore, that they were reviewed as such by Pieter Rabus in De Boekzaal van Europe, no. 14 (Rotterdam, Ja nuary/February, 1693), pp. 153-157. 10 INTRODUCTION century. A Dutch translation of it had appeared in 1660, and had given rise to intense and widespread discussion. In 1665 Huy gens was corresponding with Jan Hudde on the subject and already reconsidering several of his basic conceptions ((Euvres XIV, pp. 96-150; V, nos. 1374-1450). At the end of his book he had stated five problems in terms of games of chance, and it is quite evidently these posers that constitute the background to the letter which Spinoza wrote to van der Meer. What is more, the Dutch version in which they were published in 1660 is reproduced, word for word, in the Calculation of Chances. It seems reasonable to assume, therefore, that this work was not originally a separate treatise, but that it was put together by reprinting Huygens' problems and appending a solution to the first of them which had been communicated in one of Spinoza's letters.8 When we remember that these two treatises were first pub lished in 1687, the most remarkable thing about the editorial work they involve is the faithfulness and accuracy with which it reflects the interests and preoccupations of the preceding gener ation. Although the editor indicates that he is publishing them mainly for the benefit of the young and the layman (p. 29), he seems to have been only vaguely aware of the extent to which natural philosophy had been transformed during the preceding thirty years. On the title-page for example, he recommends the work to the public as 'serving to unite physics more closely with mathematics' (p. 25). In 1657, when it was still something of a novelty that Frans van Schooten (1615-1660), professor of mathematics at Leiden, should be publicizing the merits of Cartesian geometry, the desirability of this objective could hardly have been questioned. In 1687 however, what was needed from those capable of thinking in general terms about the natu ral sciences was not further emphasis upon the proven value of such a unification, but an effective analysis of the foundations and results of experimental work, and of the principles involved in translating these results into the language of mathematics. Twenty years had passed since Spinoza had written the treatises 8. Huygens' RatioclnllS In aleae ludo was first published in F. van Schooten's ExercitlOnum Mathematlcorum (Amsterdam, 1657), and subsequently as Van Reke nlngh In Spelen van Geluck (Amsterdam, 1660). Cf. CEuvres XIV (1920). 11