Agata ROZUMKO UniwersytetwBiałymstoku [email protected] SPEECH-ACT ADVERBS IN ENGLISH AND POLISH: A CROSS-LINGUISTIC AND CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON 1. INTRODUCTION Speech-act adverbs constitute one of the categories of epistemic expressions. Studies on epistemic modality (as well as its other types) in English have traditionally concentrated on modal verbs; the few existing studies of modal adverbs are relatively recent. Most of them put English adverbs in a contrastive perspective with adverbs used in such langu- ages as Dutch, German (e.g. Nuyts 2001, Simon-Vandenbergen and Aij- mer 2007), Swedish and French (Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer 2007). ContrastivestudiesofEnglishand Polishmarkers of modalityhave so far been rather fragmentary, and have tended to focus on modal auxiliaries (e.g. Kakietek 1980, Warchał 2010). It seems that the increasing num- ber of studies contrasting English epistemic adverbs with their foreign counterparts have already created a methodological framework within which English-Polish contrastive studies can be placed. Recent publica- tions on Polish epistemicadverbs (e.g. Tutak 2003, Danielewiczowa2008) have also identified a number of problem areas which make such a con- trastive study worthwhile. The present study is an attempt to compare the inventories and uses of speech-act adverbs in English and Polish. The findings obtained will be placed in a cross-cultural perspective, tak- ing as the point of departure Wierzbicka’s (2006) cross-linguistic and cross-cultural observations on the role of epistemic adverbs in modern English. 184 AGATAROZUMKO 2. TYPES OF EPISTEMIC ADVERBS – TERMINOLOGICAL PROBLEMS There is considerable terminological confusion regarding epistemic adverbs. Neither Anglophone nor Polish linguists have managed to de- velop a satisfactory classification of these expressions (cf. Danielewi- czowa (2008) for an outline of classification problems). Moreover, ap- proaches taken by Anglophone and Polish researchers are often incom- patible. Epistemic adverbs are difficult to classify even on the level of one language; therefore, in cross-linguistic studies it is even more dif- ficult to escape classification problems. However, cross-linguistic studies are oftenilluminatingwhere difficultiesoccurinmonolingualstudies.As Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer put it: “By looking at correspondences in other languages one discovers subtle meaning distinctions which may go unnoticed if one considers monolingual data only” (2007: 7). Problems emerging from the numerous attempts to define and clas- sify epistemic adverbs result from the ambiguous status of both terms, i.e. the term adverb and the term epistemic. Thus, one of the problematic issuesisthedistinctionbetweenadverbsandmodalparticles,whichsome linguists choose to disregard (Nuyts 2001), while others see as important (Wierzbicka 2006). Epistemic adverbs are speaker-oriented, and also ap- peal to “some expected general consensus” (Wierzbicka 2006: 259). Their characteristic property is that they are not used in interrogative senten- ces,unlessforemphasis(e.g.presumably,arguably).Modalparticles,e.g.for sure, surely, of course are more interactive and addressee-oriented, which is why they can be used in questions. Wierzbicka (2006: 249) claims that if epistemic adverbs are separated from modal particles, it becomes clear that this class of adverbs is more numerous in English than in other languages. The problem with the term epistemic is that some authors see it as a broad category, while others define it rather narrowly. While it is ge- nerally agreed that epistemicmodalityrefers to “someone’s world know- ledge, typically that of the speaker” (Narrog 2012: 8), there is no agree- ment among researchers whether or not epistemic modality should be separated from evidential modality. Epistemic expressions suggest that the speaker expresses his/her own conviction while evidentials suggest that the speaker has some evidence for his/her claim. Palmer (2001: 8) writes about “evidential modality” and “epistemic modality” as distinct notions, and considers them to be subcategories of propositional moda- SPEECH-ACTADVERBSINENGLISHANDPOLISH:ACROSS-LINGUISTIC... 185 lity,i.e.“modalityconcernedwiththespeaker’sattitudetothetruth-value orfactualstatusoftheproposition”.However,likeotherauthors(e.g.Por- tner 2009: 170), Palmeragrees that the two categoriesrely on similarcon- cepts: deduction, reported information,hearsay, direct evidence.The am- biguity of the two notions is also visible in publications concerning mo- daladverbs.Tutak(2003)andWierzbicka(2006),forinstance,puttogether epistemics(e.g.certainly),andevidentials(e.g.clearly)onthegroundsthat both sets refer to the speakers’knowledge.Simon-Vandenbergenand Aij- mer (2007: 84), in turn, in their cross-linguistic study of adverbs express- ing certainty, set the two notions apart, and, additionally,distinguishtwo other categories: speech-act adverbs and expectation adverbs. Their clas- sification is summarized below: 1. epistemicadverbs:those whichfocusonthe speaker’sownjudgment of the reliability of truth: certainly, definitely, undoubtedly, no doubt, indeed, surely, decidedly, for sure, for certain, assuredly, indubitably, 2. evidential adverbs: those which refer to certainty coming from avail- able evidence: clearly, evidently, manifestly, obviously, patently, plainly, 3. expectationadverbs: those which relate the speaker’s expectations to the state of affairs: of course, inevitably, naturally, necessarily, 4. speech act adverbs: those which refer to speech acts which could potentially be used to support the speaker’s opinion or raise voices against his/her point of view, e.g. avowedly, admittedly, arguably, in- contestably, incontrovertibly, indisputably, unarguably,unquestionably, un- deniably. Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer’s (2007: 84) classification is useful becauseitdemonstratesthatwithinthewidecategoryofadverbsexpress- ing the speaker’s knowledge, there are subcategories which have distinct properties and functions. 3. SPEECH-ACT ADVERBS IN ENGLISH The present study focuses on the fourth group of adverbs disting- uishedbySimon-VandenbergenandAijmer(2007),i.e.admittedly,arguably, avowedly,incontestably,incontrovertibly,indisputably,unarguably,unquestiona- bly, undeniably, and their Polish equivalents. Incidentally, the term speech-act adverbs which Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer(2007)use isalso understooddifferentlyby differentscholars. 186 AGATAROZUMKO Forexample,Mizuno’s(2010)categoryofspeech-actadverbscorresponds to Ifantidou-Trouki’s (1993) category of illocutionary adverbials, i.e. ad- verbs which modify an implicit illocutionaryverb, and includes such ad- verbs as frankly, honestly, confidentially, seriously, and strictly, as in: Frankly, I’m bored and Mary has, confidentially, failed the exam. In the present study, however, I will follow Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer’s (2007) classifi- cation. Of the four categories of adverbs discussed by the two scholars, speech-act adverbs are the most formal and, consequently, the most cha- racteristic of written language. Because they refer to speech acts which may be used to support the speaker’s opinion or raise arguments against it, they all have corresponding illocutionary verbs: avowedly – avow, argu- ably – argue, indisputably – dispute, etc., and they seem to be closer to verbal meanings than other epistemic adverbs. Since they mostly belong to written language, their frequencies are lower than the frequencies of adverbs which are more commonly used in speech (e.g. the frequency of obviously in the British National Corpus – 10658 occurrences – is se- veral times higher than the frequency of all speech-act adverbs taken together). Nevertheless,it may be helpful to establishtheir frequencies in order to examine the dynamics within the group. Table 1 below presents Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer’s (2007) list of speech-act adverbs with their frequencies in the British National Corpus (100 million words). Table1. Englishspeech-act adverbsandtheir frequencies Frequencyper Adverb 100 millionwords avowedly 37 admittedly 709 arguably 627 incontestably 4 incontrovertibly 14 indisputably 47 unarguably 14 unquestionably 219 undeniably 157 The group consists of three positive adverbs: admittedly, arguably, avowedly, and six negative ones: incontestably, incontrovertibly, indisput- SPEECH-ACTADVERBSINENGLISHANDPOLISH:ACROSS-LINGUISTIC... 187 ably, unarguably, unquestionably, undeniably. While the range of negative speech-act adverbs is greater than the range of the positive ones, the positive adverbs, in particular admittedly and arguably, appear to have a higher frequency. Avowedly seems to be a marginal member of the group, both because of its low frequency and use. Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer (2007) do not discuss its uses in detail because the word is not even attested in their corpus. While admittedly and arguably clear- ly refer to the speaker and his/her knowledge, avowedly tends to mo- dify the content of the proposition rather than the speaker’s own view point, e.g.: (1) Feministcriticism,likeMarxist,isavowedlyevaluative,whichsharply distinguishes it from the generality of current academic criticism, of whatever school. (BNC: A1A 421) (2) The convention was avowedly made on behalf of the Govern- ment of the Republic of Vietnam and for Admiral d’Argenlieu. (BNC: FAN 1617) (3) Ibelieveshehasevenphonedanoldschoolfriendofminewhomshe avowedly dislikes and asked him for the manuscript of a symphony we once composed together. (BNC: J17 2930) Arguably, in turn, clearly refers to a claim made by the speaker. It “suggests that the speaker wishes to defend a particularviewpoint while atthesametimerecognizingthepossibilityofdisagreementoralternative viewpoints” (Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer 2007: 192). Its use is thus illustrative of what Wierzbicka (2006: 259) perceives as the most charac- teristic function of epistemic adverbs, namely that they “allow speakers to partly “objectify” their stand, to hint at some valid grounds for it, to convey an expectation that their stance would be seen by other people as reasonable”. The following sentences from the British National Corpus illustrate its characteristic uses quite well: (4) Arguablymoreimportantinthelongrunwastheillusionofgrandeur in the monetary field. (BNC: A6G 895) (5) The tree was arguably out of place in any equation involving human beings, however disparate, because it lacks their moral personality’. (BNC: CM8 647) 188 AGATAROZUMKO The meanings of admittedly differ from that of arguably. It tends to be used in concessive contexts. The speaker “concedes that something is true, while at the same time expressing that the proposition is less important inthe argumentationthan anotherone” (Simon-Vandenbergen and Aijmer 2007: 193). The concessive character of the contexts in which it appears, its placement between two arguments, is also signaled by its frequent co-occurrence with the conjunction but, as in the following sentences: (6) Admittedly if the component family abandons its claim to the land thiswillreverttothecommonalitybutthatdoesnotmeanthatthere are no such claims in normal circumstances. (BNC: A6S 1058) (7) Admittedly assessment at earlier ages was not approached as so all-enveloping a concern as at 16 but warnings about the national curriculum were serious. (BNC: HPX 826) Whileeachofthepositiveadverbshasitsdistinctfunctions,thenega- tive ones do not appear to differ significantly from one another in terms of their meanings and uses. The only exception here is incontrovertibly, which has characteristicsof both an adverb of manner (example 8 below) and a modal adverb (9): (8) ‘But I am a servant now,’ said McAllister incontrovertibly, ‘not a de- licate young lady. (BNC: HGE 1723) (9) The first phenomenon, the hatred, is incontrovertibly evil. (BNC: B7K 1605) In (8), it refers to the manner of speaking, while in (9) it expresses the speaker’s knowledge of the situation described. The major function of the other negative adverbs seems to be dis- couraging the addressee from raising any voices against the claim made by the speaker. They express a higher degree of certainty on the part of the speaker than the positive ones do. “What they do is to proclaim ‘in advance’ the impossibility of countering the proposition, i.e. stating that analternativeviewpointisimpossible”(Simon-VandenbergenandAijmer 2007: 193). Such uses are exemplified in sentences (10)–(14). (10) By incorporating his favorite argument from the tides – incontestably a physical argument – he nevertheless transgressed the second of the two conditions. (BNC: EEM 1364) SPEECH-ACTADVERBSINENGLISHANDPOLISH:ACROSS-LINGUISTIC... 189 (11) For Somerset House, begun in 1776 and indisputably one of the fi- nest Classical buildings in Britain, is, it seems, up for grabs. (BNC: AHG 1170) (12) Unarguably, the father in the poem is a despot, and the daughter is humiliated. (BNC: AN4 1349) (13) The basic attitude of the United States was undeniably one of active hostility. (BNC: G1R 790) (14) It was unquestionably the worst Cabinet meeting that took place in our first period of office. (BNC: ABU 413) Whiletheusageexemplifiedaboveiscommon,therearealsocontexts in which the negative adverbs co-occur with the conjunctions but and though, and, rather clearly, behave much like admittedly: (15) Stress-reduction exercises (the thousand and one forms of medi- tation, relaxation, and mental diversion) are indisputably valuable, though there is probably little to choose between the different me- thods apart from their cost. (BNC: CBU 2016) (16) He was indisputably a loyal servant of Edward II, but he was not the will-less, visionless opportunist which his skilful pragmatism may suggest. (BNC: F9L 850) (17) Len was unquestionably one of the best defenders in the 3rd Division South in the mid-1950s, but in addition he was a talented fellow who could turn out in a surprising number of positions (he actually playedinsevendifferentones forus, andthat ina day when‘utility’ players were unusual) and his Palace career spanned ten seasons. (BNC: B2H 324) It thus appears that concessive contexts are also possible with ne- gative speech-act adverbs, though they are certainly less common than in the case of admittedly. Unquestionably and undeniably appear to be the most frequent among the negative ones. However, their frequencies are still considerably lower than the frequencies of the positive ones, which suggests that arguably and admittedly are the most important members of the class. 190 AGATAROZUMKO 4. SPEECH-ACT ADVERBS IN POLISH Polish publications do not seem to distinguish speech-act adverbs as a distinct class within the category of epistemic adverbs. In the present study, an attempt will thus be made to delineate this category for Po- lish on the basis of scattered data. Unlike English, Polish does not seem to have positive speech-act adverbs. Thus, there are no adverbial equiva- lents ofadmittedly, arguablyoravowedlyinPolish.The closestequivalentof avowedlyisprobablyjawnie,butbecauseofitsreferencetovisualevidence on which a claim is based, it is more appropriate to classify it as an evi- dential adverb (cf. Rozumko forthcoming). Negative speech-act adverbs used in Polish include bezsprzecznie, bezapelacyjnie, bezspornie, bezdyskusyj- nie,niezaprzeczalnie,niepodważalnie,niekwestionowanie.Table2belowshows their frequencies in the PWN corpus of Polish. Since the size of the cor- pus is smaller (40 million words) than that of the BNC, the frequencies have been recalculated for 100 million words, to make the English and Polish data comparable. Table2. Speech-act adverbsinPolish Frequencyper Adverb 100 millionwords bezsprzecznie 165 bezapelacyjnie 75 bezspornie 77 bezdyskusyjnie 37 niezaprzeczalnie 47 niepodważalnie 2 niekwestionowanie 0 As demonstrated in the above table, the overall frequency of speech- act adverbs in Polish is comparable to the frequency of negative speech- actadverbsinEnglish.Themostfrequentrepresentativeoftheclassisbez- sprzecznie,followedbybezspornieandbezapelacyjnie.Theotheronesappear to be less common. The adverb niekwestionowanie is not evidenced in the PWN corpus. It is attested in the IPI PAN corpus of Polish (250 million words), but there is only 1 occurrence of the adverb: SPEECH-ACTADVERBSINENGLISHANDPOLISH:ACROSS-LINGUISTIC... 191 (18) Oknadrewnianewbudownictwiemieszkaniowymsąnajlepsze.(Eng. ‘Timber windows are unquestionablybest for homes’) (IPI PAN cor- pus) The uses of the other ones are exemplified in examples (19)–(24) be- low: (19) Bezsprzecznie najlepszą walką całych zawodów okazała się ostatnia walka tego dnia. (Eng. ‘Indisputably the best fight that night was the last one’) (PWN corpus) (20) Największą jednak atrakcją wieczoru bezapelacyjnie był Peja. (Eng. ‘The chief attraction of the night was indisputably Peja’) (PWN cor- pus) (21) Michał Kalecki (1899–1970) jest dziś bezspornie zaliczany do najwy- bitniejszych ekonomistów bieżącego stulecia (Eng. ‘Michal Kalecki (1899–1970) is now unquestionably considered to be one of the best economists of the century’) (PWN corpus) (22) “Gazeta Krakowska” – bezdyskusyjnie najodważniejsza i uchodząca za najlepszą gazetę w Polsce – była w kioskach praktycznie nie do dostania. (Eng. “Gazeta Krakowska” – unarguably the bravest, and considered to be the best newspaper in Poland – was almost impos- sible to buy at news-stands’) (PWN corpus) (23) To niezaprzeczalnie doskonała przekąska (Eng. ‘It is unquestionably the perfect snack’) (PWN corpus) (24) Każdy przekaz uznany za niepodważalnie prawdziwy (Eng. ‘Every report considered incontestably true’) (PWN corpus) The adverb bezapelacyjnie often refers to the speaker’s conviction, as in (17) above, but when it collocates with the verbs wygrać and zwyciężać (‘win’), it behaves more like an adverb of manner, as in: (25) Starty w zawodach narciarskich rozpoczęła mając zaledwie 14 lat i we wszystkich bezapelacyjnie zwyciężała (Eng. ‘She started partici- patinginskitournamentswhenshewas14andwonunquestionably all of them.’) (PWN corpus) Insuchcasesitdescribesthevictoryratherthanthespeaker’sconvic- tion that the victory took place. It may also refer to the certainty of the 192 AGATAROZUMKO people who were involved in the event described. The sentence in (23) illustrates it well: (26) Kazimierz Kutz wygrał Festiwal bezapelacyjnie. Jury nie miało wąt- pliwości, kto tu idzie “drogą serca”. (Eng. ‘Kazimierz Kutz won the Festival unquestionably. The Jury had no doubts as to who ‘follows his heart’.) (PWN corpus) Like their English counterparts exemplified in sentences (15)–(17), Polishnegativespeech-actadverbsare sometimesusedinconcessivecon- texts: (27) Giną ludzie i przepada dorobek człowieka. Co jest ważniejsze? Bez- sprzecznie – życie ludzkie, ale żal i owych materialnych śladów czło- wieka,od którychzależyjego duchowybyt lubniebyt.(Eng. ‘People die and their possessionsgo away with them. Which is more impor- tant?Indisputably–humanlife,butthelossofthematerialevidence of human existence, which is connected with the spiritual life of an individual, is also sad’) (PWN corpus) (28) Tak, niezaprzeczalnie, to była grafomania. Ale dobrze zakamuflo- wana. (Eng. ‘Yes, undeniably it was graphomania. But it was well camouflaged’) (PWN corpus) (29) Trudno cokolwiek mówić o stylistyce, gdyż dla wielu kierowców auto jest po prostu bezdyskusyjnie piękne, ale to oczywiście kwestia gustu. (Eng. ‘It is difficult to say anything about its style because for many drivers the car is indisputably beautiful, though this, of course, is a matter of personal taste.’) (PWN corpus) (30) Był on bezspornie wielkim człowiekiem, jednakże tworząc Gwardię Szwajcarskąniekierowałsięwzniosłymipobudkami.(Eng. ‘He was, indisputably,a great man, but, when he decidedto create The Swiss Guard, his motives were not noble’) (PWN corpus) Clauses beginning with the conjunctions ale (‘but’), jednakże (‘how- ever’) introduce alternative or complementary ideas, thus making the adverbs less strong in meaning. More research is needed to establish how common such usage is in the two languages. It seems plausible that having no equivalent of admittedly, Polish makes up for it by broadening the scope of use of the negative adverbs. Such an explanation, however, does not work for English, where concessive usage is attested with both
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