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South Korea and the Socialist Countries: The Politics of Trade PDF

154 Pages·1990·15.518 MB·English
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SOUTH KOREA AND 1HE SOCIALIST COUNTRIES Also by Dan C. Sanford THE FUTURE ASSOCIATION OF TAIWAN WITH THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA South Korea and the Socialist Countries The Politics of Trade Dan C. Sanford Whitworth College Spokane. Washington M MACMILLAN ©Dan C. Sanford 1990 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1990 978-0-333-53674-2 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written pernrlssion. No paragraph of this pUblication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 33-4 Alfred Place. London WClE 7DP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. First published 1990 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndrnills, Basingstoke, Hampshire R021 2XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Sanford, Dan C. South Korea and the socialist countries: the politics of trade. 1. South Korea. Foreign trade I. Tide 382.'09519'5 ISBN 978-1-349-11944-8 ISBN 978-1-349-11942-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-11942-4 Contents Preface by Donald N. Clark vii Foreword by Soo-Eon Moon x Note on the Romanization of Korean Proper Nouns xiii List of Acronyms xiv Acknowledgements xv Introduction 1 1 Trade Contacts 8 The People's Republic of China 8 Eastern Europe 16 The Soviet Union and Vietnam 18 2 Exploring the Commercial Incentives 23 Economic Factors for Koreans 14 The Case of Eastern Europe 26 The Case of the Soviet Union 29 The Case of China 32 3 Chinese and Soviet Political Strategies 34 China's Strategic Outlook 35 The Soviet Strategic Outlook 42 4 Northern Diplomacy; ROK Strategies in Trade 48 Using Trade to Change North Korea 51 Assessment of Intent 55 The Relationship of Trade to Cross- Recognition and Reunification 57 5 Response to the Northern Policy 60 Domestic Concerns 60 The External Response 64 6 ROK's New Policy in the Regional and Domestic Contexts 70 The Regional Environment 71 The Domestic Environment 82 v Contents vi 7 ROK Socialist Trade as a Transnational Phenomenon 90 The Transnationalist Paradigm 90 North-South Reunification 99 Appendixes 1: Korea's Trade with Communist Countries 104 Appendix 2: Chronology 106 Notes 111 Bibliography 128 Index 135 Preface Donald N. Clark The opening of contacts between the Republic of Korea and the Soviet Union, China, and the socialist countries of Eastern Europe is a welcome development. Ever since the Korean War, South Korea has been rigidly anti-Communist. The military confrontation with North Korea has over shadowed everything, making Seoul's foreign policy an artifact of the Cold War. Recently, however, with the lessening of East-West tensions and the adoption of flexible new policies in Korea and the socialist countries, exciting new possibilities have developed for Korea in the areas of diplomacy, cultural contact, and trade. These developments are important because they could lead to a redefinition of power relationships in the region, a diminished need for American military intervention, and even new movement in the area of reunification of North and South Korea. They offer hope for an active Korean role in regional development and the creation of international markets and trade zones which could not even have been imagined only a few years ago. At the very least, they promise a healthier and more peaceful environment. But they also carry risks. In the "Nordpolitik" euphoria which has swept South Korea since the 1988 Summer Olympics, these risks require sober reflection and analysis. The shift in South Korean attitudes was most apparent around the time of the 1988 Summer Olympics in Seoul. South Korean leaders skillfully exploited the games for political and economic advantage. Where a long-standing prohibition on "cross-recognition" had isolated Seoul from the Communist world and Pyongyang from the West, the Olympics gave South Korea a valuable opportunity to begin face-to-face discussions with Pyongyang's allies, beginning with sports and progressing quickly to trade, communications and transportation, and even, in the case of Hungary, to full diplomatic recognition. Dan Sanford observed many of these changes from his vantage point as a Fulbright scholar in Korea in 1988. He brings impressive skills to this discussion. He started out as an analyst of East Asian international relations more than twenty years ago with a doctoral dissertation on U.S.-China relations, and then wrote a book entitled The Future Association of Taiwan and the People's Republic of China (University of California Press, 1981). As professor of Political Science at Whitworth College, he is one of the vii viii Preface by Donald N. Clark Pacific coast's leading scholars in the international relations of East Asia. As a scholar/teacher he is gifted at communicating not only with students but also with general audiences, and as a college administrator he has built programs in faculty and student exchanges with East Asia and has traveled widely in the region. He is unusual in his pursuit of the perspective which he demonstrates here, for there are few East Asianists who can discuss Korea in any depth, and few Koreanists who have the broader view. Sanford explains how the process of detente in Korea has involved the building up of informal links and vested interests in trade. This began in the early eighties with a trickle of goods being exchanged with China and Eastern Europe through Hong Kong and other third parties. It was entirely pragmatic, driven by economic considerations. For example, Korea needed Chinese coal from Shantung. China needed a nearby source of inexpensive electrical appliances. As the economic logic overtook the memories of the Korean War, deals were struck and the goods began to flow. By the 1988 the trade was complex and had produced some interesting anomalies: for example, the Korean joint-venture partner (Daewoo) of an American-owned multinational (General Motors) was negotiating to open a plant in Communist China to make sports cars to compete with Japanese exports. That such a thing could be contemplated was striking proof that the era of the Cold War was ending on the Korean peninsula. As Sanford tells us, however, the sticking point continues to be the standoff between the rival governments in Seoul and Pyongyang. In this book, he has used his perspective as an expert in the international relations of East Asia to put the North-South impasse in its new international context He finds that President Roh Tae Woo's attempt in July 1988 to redefine the terms of North-South contact reflected new realities in South Korean politics, where the government was under intensifying pressure to make meaningful gestures toward unification. On the surface, Roh seemed to be opening the door to unheard-of kinds of contact including trade. It soon developed, however, that a conservative backlash in Seoul forced a retreat. "Authorized" South Koreans were encouraged to visit the North, but dissidents who made "unauthorized" contacts were severely punished. The ambivalence was exploited by North Korea, which invited leading South Koreans on "unauthorized" visits and forced Roh to appear insincere when he tried to block them. The regime of Kim II-sung also kept to its basic line of demanding preconditions for talks about demilitarizing the peninsula, including the withdrawal in advance of foreign troops from South Korea. The Americans not only refuse to leave but also insist on carrying on elabomte military maneuvers which the North Koreans deem provocative. The prospects in the military/political realm, therefore, remain Preface by Donald N. Clark IX bleak, and whatever progress is to be achieved must be achieved in some other realm. Sanford examines a number of theories and scenarios concerning the intentions of both sides in the North-South confrontation and concludes that things really have changed for the better: that there is real movement after all the years of posturing. He is especially optimistic about the part to be played by trade. He fears the rise of far-right and far-left elements in South Korea and wonders if anything can be predicted about North Korean behavior after the passing of Kim II-sung. But for the time being he points to signs that rigid ideology is giving way to a new pragmatism, self-interested and based in the drive for economic development which powers all the countries in the region. They are acquiring a regional and trans-national outlook which promises to liberate them from their traditional dependence upon the superpowers. Sanford argues that stability is the key ingredient which needs to be maintained in order for all of this to proceed constructively, but that if security can be maintained, "a healthy diffusion of political interests" is possible, and perhaps even likely. This book frames the discussion for the general reader. What the author provides here is a careful analysis of the way economic interests have bro ken down a dangerous international confrontation in the Korean peninsula. No one can predict whether the process will lead to reunification or even a successful federation of the two Koreas. But recent events suggest that East Asia at last has started moving on a road that does not lead to military conflict but to a peaceful pooling of interests. Sanford's carefully reasoned study tells us that journey is well begun. DONALD N. CLARK Associate Professor of History Trinity University

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