Classical Association of Canada Sophilos' Vase Inscriptions and Cultural Literacy in Archaic Athens Author(s): Martin F. Kilmer and Robert Develin Source: Phoenix, Vol. 55, No. 1/2 (Spring - Summer, 2001), pp. 9-43 Published by: Classical Association of Canada Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1089022 . Accessed: 06/03/2011 14:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cac. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Classical Association of Canada is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Phoenix. http://www.jstor.org SOPHILOS' VASE INSCRIPTIONS AND CULTURAL LITERACY IN ARCHAIC ATHENS MARTIN F. KILMER AND ROBERT DEVELIN I. INTRODUCTION IN THIS ARTICLEI EXAMINET HE INSCRIPTIONoSn the extant vases and vase fragmentso f the earlyA ttic black-figurep ainterS ophilos,w hosefloruiti s generally thought to be 590-570 B.C.( 580-570, accordingt o Boardman 1974: 18). My purpose in undertakingt his study was to discover whether Sophilos ought to be considered literate, and if so, in what senses of that word. I find that he was a competent and consistent speller; that he knew how to construct simple sentences; that he was well in tune with his society'sm ythology; in short, that he was literate both in the literal meaning of that word and in what we might call "culturalli teracy."S ophilos was one of the first Attic painterst o paint letters on his vases, and he wrote at a time when the Greek alphabetw as probablyl ess than two hundredy ears old.l Under these circumstancesa, pplyingt he standards of, for example, late twentieth-centuryw estern Europe or North America for determinationo f "literacy"is anachronistic. Judging early archaic inscriptions This paperi s one of a seriesw ritteni n the contexto f a long-termp rojectu ndertakenb y the two authors named. In each case, the first-nameda uthor is the one most implicated in the article in question. Kilmer has consulted Develin at every stage of the preparationo f this article, but has written this articlei n the first person. Only the Conclusionss hould be consideredt o be of truej oint authorship.I am particularlyg ratefult o Louis Kelly for his help in the linguisticp ortions of this paper;t o Eleanor Dickey for useful commentaryo n linguistic questions and for putting me into contact with Rudolf Wachter, whom I also thank for comments. To David Harveya nd John Was, my special thanks for readinge arlyd raftsa nd for supporti n many guises. My thanks also to the two anonymousr eadersf or Phoenix,m any of whose suggestionsI have incorporatedi nto this final version.A ny errorsr emaining are my own. Epigraphicaln ote: Sophilos' archaic letter forms (see Fig. 1) differed significantlyf rom those used in later Ionic script. We have preservedh is spellings in transcriptiont o the lower-case system in common use for archaicv ase inscriptions( see Immerwahr1 990; Jeffery 1990). Sophilos' "heta" (replacede ventuallyb y the rough-breathingm ark)i s representedb y h, his "check-mark"la mbdab y X, his lambda-shapedg amma by y, his sigma (almost alwayst hree-bar)b y a and S, his "plus"-shapedk hi by X, and his pi with one short leg (easily confusedw ith the classicalu pper-casef orm of gamma) by 7. Almost all forms used on the vases are reservedl ater for upper-casel etters. We have thus chosen not to "correct"th e spelling of words which in Classicalt imes were spelt with geminate consonants: this was not the usual archaicf orm. "Correction"in publicationsi s one of the things which has led to the general-and quite erroneous-perception that the archaicA ttic painterso f potteryh ad as a rule a shakyc ontrol on the writing of Greek. For the most part, Sophilos uses letter forms similart o those used by Kleitias,E xekias, and the Amasis Painter. The catalogue numbersg iven in parenthesesa re based on Beazley 1956 and Beazley 1963 (B = ABV, R = ARV). For furtherd etail, see the Appendix, below, 37. 1F or furtherd iscussion,s ee, e.g., Powell 1991; Robb 1994. This topic is controversial. 9 PHOENIX, VOL. 55 (2001) 1-2. 10 PHOENIX on the basis of Attic spelling conventions of the Classical period, though less spectacularlya nachronistic,p resents some of the same difficulties. The research of Leslie Threatte on phonology (Threatte 1980) has laid the foundations for establishingt he patternso f archaicA ttic spelling;a nd Henry Immerwahr'As ttic Script (1990) presents a substantialb ody of transcribedi nscriptions, the great majority of them from pottery, including many new readings. Allen's Vox Graeca3(1 987), though focused on classicalG reek literaryl anguage,g ives useful information on the development of the written language and its relations to the spoken language after the period of direct interest here. In many cases, extrapolationb ridging to the evidence for the earlierp eriod coveredb y Threatte has led to unexpectedc onclusions. In order to determine the "literacy"o f someone in Sophilos' circumstances, we ought to look primarilya t two questions. First, when the painter writes the same word on two (or more) vases, is his spelling consistent? We might call this "internalc onsistency."S econd, when other vase paintersc ontemporary or nearly contemporaryw ith Sophilos write these words, are their spellings the same as his, or at least close enough that we should most reasonablya ssess them as variants? I have cast my net rather wide within the range of archaicA ttic painted pottery. The degree of consistency is significante nough overall that it is clear that many painterso f archaicA ttic potteryh ad little difficultyi n writing whatevert hey chose to write on a vase. Sophilos, as a pioneeri n this new venture, might reasonablyb e expected to have considerabled ifficulty. In fact, as I hope this paper demonstrates,h e exhibits a high degree of internal consistency, and his consistency with other painters of the early Archaic period, and even with paintersd own into the earlyf ifth century( at least for most words for which there are later matches), is remarkablyh igh. I emphasize that-with one exception, the "caption"i dentifying the (funeral)g ames of Patroklos-Sophilos has so far revealedo nly two certain classes of inscriptions:" signatures"-all those that are complete or near complete are "painter"-signaturesc,o nsisting of only two or threew ords-and the names of heroes and divinities.T his restrictionr educest he probabilityo f matches with other painters. We are fortunatet hat some of the most crucialn ames-names with spelling that has appearedi diosyncratici n the extremew hen comparedt o their classicalv ersions-prove to have enough exact matches that we must accept them as normals pellingsf or Sophilos't ime. Although we have remnants of many of Sophilos' vases, and several fully or almost fully reconstructible,t here are relativelyf ew inscribedv ases extant in his oeuvre. He is early among black-figurep ainters, belonging to the second generationo f the style. His predecessorsin the developedm ediumw ere the Nettos Painter,2t he Gorgon Painter (whose careerb egan while the Nettos painterw as 2The name of the centaurw hom he shows in conflictw ith Heraklesi n his most famousw ork, the amphorai n Athens (B4/1), the painters pells N?TOSM. odern scholarsh ave regularizedt he spelling to conformt o laterA ttic usage, doubling the tau. They have not calledh im the "NessosP ainter"-which SOPHILOS' VASE INSCRIPTIONS 11 ' , - rt- i l/ Fig. 1: Fragmentf rom the ErskineD i- .-?..*? - t:; ^2a -In os (B40/16.1)il lustratinSgo philosn' ormal letter-formisn his signaturae ndt he name PeleusP. hoto:c ourtesyo f BritishM useum, London,a fterW illiams1 983,f ig. 25 (por- tions of break" removedb"y computere n- hancement). still active,a nd who mayw ell haveb een Sophilos't eachero r at the least the senior member of the workshop in which he startedh is career:s ee Bakir 1981: 1-3; Beazley 1986: 16), and a few other paintersw hose careersa re brieflyn oted in Beazley'sA BV and at greaterl ength in his TheD evelopmenot fAtticB lack-Figure (Beazley1 986: 12-16 and pls. 10-15). Before Sophilos,A ttic paintingg ives little in the way of inscriptionsa partf rom the names of a few divinities and some heroes and their opponents.3 Sophilos may be the first Attic potteryp aintert o give his name with the verb eypaaoev, meaning "drew"o r "painted"(F ig. 1): later Attic orthographyw ould make this Eypavev; but the spellingw ith cri s standardf or the time in question( see below, wouldc onformto laters pellingin mosto f the Greekw orld-perhaptso avoidc onfusionw ith the proto-Atti"c Painteorf theN ewY orkN essos."I haveo ftenw onderewd hys cholarhs aven ota dopted the sensiblee xpedienotf callingt hise arlyb lack-figuraer tistt heN etosP ainteru, singt he spellingw e knowh imt o haveu sed.T hreattree port(s1 980:5 40),i n discussintgh en ame'O Suoaacaen dv ariants, occurrencoef the spellingN Eaooo n a Tyrrheniaanm phor(aB 96/13)a ttributetdo the Prometheus PainterT. yrrheniaanm phoraair eg enerallcyo nsideretdo be of Atticm anufacturaen, dt hiss pelling remaines xceptionalT. he heroO dysseuiss foundw ith the spellingO Xur8u(;r etr.,O lyteus)o n a fragmentarvya seb y Kleitias(B 76/A)f romE gypt,a s well as on the FrancoiVs ase( B76/1),i n the chariot-racsec eneW: achter1 991:8 9, no. 50. In anothere xamplea, kantharobsy t he SoklesP ainter, OXuTeu<;>i s in attendancef or the armingo f Akhilles (B173/1). 3 See Immerwahr1 990: 20-21 for examples. 12 PHOENIX 32-33). He is thus the first Attic potteryp ainterk nown to have signed his work (Beazley 1986: 16).4 He is much more generousi n his use of labelledh uman and divine figurest han was the norm with his predecessors;a nd he has left us many more inscriptionst han have they, and he used the inscriptions, it would seem, primarilyi n ordert o identify these mythologicalf iguresf or his audience. II. FRAGMENTARY VASES: SIGNATURES (a) Fragmentsfromth eA thensW eddingD inos (B39/15): MythicalW edding We may begin with the painter'ss igned vases, though they are not numbered among his earliest. His fragmentaryd inos in Athens has preservedc omplete on fragmentc the retrogradev erticali nscriptionE o4tiXoqc5y pacasv (Sophilos drew [this]; Plate 1). All of the sigmas in this painter-inscriptiona re in the form normal for orthogrades igma in later inscriptions( that is to say, their direction reversedf rom that of the standardr etrogrades igma:t hus their first down-strokes slope down towards the left).6 The alpha is of the closed type,7 the nu of the high-swung earlyt ype;a nd, in short, all of the lettersa reo f formsu nexceptionable for their period. Sophilos has chosen a prominent position for the inscription. It is written vertically,r etrogradet, o our right side of the bronze-decoratedd oor of a building. 4At least one of his inscribedv ases, the Athens Wedding Dinos (B39/15) was dedicatedo n the Akropolisa t Athens. It was large and ornate (on the same scale as the ErskineD inos), and was most probablym ade specificallyf or dedication. If so, it probablyc arrieda painted dedication inscription (Sophilos left no graffito inscriptions),w hich has not survived. It will certainlyb e worth the effort to study the remainso f early dedicationso n pottery-and particularlyth ose of the sixth century-as a corpus. It can usuallyb e determinedw ith considerablep robabilityw hich graffitoi nscriptionsw ere done before firing (thus belonging to the manufacturingp rocess)a nd which were incised afterf iring. There is a subset of pots with dedicatoryi nscriptions" painted"o n them-some found far from their places of manufacture( for example, Ionian pottery found at Graviscaei n Etruria: Various 1993), others, such as those from the Akropolisa t Athens, very dose to home. Dedicated manufactureo, ften asa lapXe "firstf ruit,"d enotes a specialr elationshipb etween potter and/or paintera nd the divinitys o honoured-or may reflect the intentions of a patron. Such dedicationsm ay begin as earlya s the late eighth century.T hey certainlyc ontinue to the end of the sixth century.S ophilos'f ine dinos was likely the potter/painter'sd edicationo n the Akropolis to Athena, patronesso f craftsmen( especiallyp otters) and patronesso f Athens. 5Vowel values in this name are not known; nor can we know whether later Attic usage would have doubled the lambda or not. Beazley (1956: 37) says it is "impossiblet o say whether the name S is c6thtXoSlo, 4iXoqSo, r l64tXXo."T hese three forms of the name are attested;b ut they are not the only possibilities. Immerwahr( 1990: 21) transcribest he painter'sn ame as though it were E6jtkoS, without discussion. So also does Threatte (1980: Index). I retain the archaics pelling, and add no accent becauseI am not convincedt hat we know where the accento ught to go. See Pape and Benseler 1959: nos. 1430-78; Kirchner1 966: nos. 261, 299. 6Immerwahr( 1990: 21) refers to these as "reversed."E ither the "direction"o f sigma had not as yet been fixed, or Sophilos was interestedi n letters for their decorativeq ualitiesa s well as for the additionalm eaning they could give his figures. 7Beazley 1956: 39, no. 15 gives (in a rares lip) the open alphaf orm. SOPHILOSV' ASEI NSCRIPTIONS 13 This building is generallyt aken to be the house of the bridegroom( Peleus?),t he place towards which the procession (the vase's principal subject) moves. This suggestion is supportedb y the similarb uilding on the Erskine Dinos in London (B40/16.1; Fig. 1), which we shall discuss later (below, 14, 28-30); and, at a slightly later date, by the building Kleitiasu ses on the FrancoisV ase (B76/1) for the starting-pointa nd ending-point of the same scene.8 The border below the buildingi s similart o that preservedi n fragmentsb , f, and g of the samev ase.9A lso parallelt o the door, and thus flankingt he inscription,a rea Doric column (painted white, and with what may be intended as a narrowb ase-a feature not known in large-scaleD oric architecturei n stone of the Archaic and Classicalp eriods) to our right and an anta in black,w ith incision markingi ts base. The column capital is broad and shallow, set off by a convex necking-bandw hich somewhat recalls the shallow hawk's-beakm ouldings of some capitalso f the so-called "basilica"a t Paestum.0lO n fragmentb is found the lower portion of the left anta of the house along with one foot of an individualw ho must be facing awayf rom the building. On the analogy of the Erskine Dinos, this would be the bridegroom:t he minor detail of horizontali ncised lines decoratingt he anklep ortion of the boots of both individualsg ives some slight furthers upportt o this hypothesis. On the Erskine Dinos, unfortunatelyo, nly two pairso f male feet arep reservedo ther than those of the bridegroom:t hose of Dionysos and the human forefeeto f the centaurK hiron, both of whom are barefoot. Other fragmentsp rovide some of the guests in processiono n their way to the celebration.O n fragmentg , the names Acro (Leto) and Xapt9ko (Khariklo)a re written orthogradev erticallyb efore the two female figures, without interpunct, but with a space left between the words largert han that between other pairs of letters. The names are written free-hand,w ith irregularlyp laced bases, not along the base-line (usuallye ither not drawn in, or meant to be invisible after firing) used often by laterp ainters,a nd occasionallyu sed by Sophilos. Leto is the mother of Artemis and Apollo; Khariklo( much less well known to us) the wife of the centaurK hiron. Sophilos uses 9 (qoppa)i n a numbero f placesw here laterA ttic spellingw ould use K (kappa). He uses it, in preservedi nscriptions,o nly precedingk (lambda), as here, on the Athens Dinos fragment from Pharsalos (B39/16), and on the ErskineD inos (Fig. 3). On the other hand, Kleitias,w orking most likely no more than ten yearsa fter this, spells Khariklow ith kappas( Wachter 1991: 90, no. 82). Kleitiasd oes use qoppa once on the FrancoisV ase, for the dog 9opaX; (Qorakhs, "raven")in the KalydonianB oar scene (Wachter 1991: 87, no. 16). This is a "speakingn ame":g utturalq oppa perfectst he imitation of the raven'sc ry. Kleitias' 8For the many inscriptions on the Erskine Dinos, see Bakir 1981: Al, pls. 1-2, figs. 1-4. Williams (1983: 13-34) gives additional fragments and transcriptionso f the inscriptions. For the building on the ErskineD inos, see Williams 1983: figs. 25-26. 9Numbering as in Bakir 1981: pi. 3. 1 See, for example, Lawrence1 983: 156, fig. 121. 14 PHOENIX use here confirms,f or me, that he used qoppa for the gutturals top corresponding to kappa. Sophilos' use of qoppa preceding lambda suggests a strongly gutturalised pronunciation. X following K forces K into the guttural. (For a concrete demonstrationo f this, try speaking the words "capital"a nd "closet"a loud, and feel the positions of those consonants in your mouth and upper throat.) Jeffery (1990: 33-34) describesq oppa as "theg utturalk before the vowels u and o."T his descriptionw orks well with the earlyi nscriptions( of the seventh and the earliest sixth centuries)a s she reportst hem (1990: 70); and with the single preservedu se of qoppa by Kleitiaso n the FrancoisV ase. Sophilos'p reservedi nscriptionsn ever show 9 immediatelyp receding a vowel, nor do we have any case, in his oeuvre, of K immediately preceding o or u. We do not know what his choice would have been for this combination.T hreatte comments (1980: 21) that "(Qoppa)i s regularlyu sed before o-vowels, even when 1 intervenes."I n this context he may see qoppa as a spellingv ariant,r athert han as a letter indicatinga differents ound. It is certainly also true that Sophilos' and Kleitias'k nowledge of letters is not based solely on the Attic tradition (see Immerwahr1 990: 155; Threatte 1980: 21-23). The animal friezes of both paintersh ave strong Corinthiant ies; and the Corinthian paintersc ontemporaryw ith these two Attic paintersw ere becoming adept at supplyingn ames for their mythologicalc haracters.L ike Sophilos, these painters regularlyu se qoppa before lambda: see, for example, neptQ9uuevo; (Periklymenos)o n the amphoraf rom Cerveteri( Paris E640: Amyx 1989: 270, no. 6; Carpenter1 991: 269). Sophilos'r etrograded ipinto InarpoQ9uSia;t ka (see Plate 2) providesa notherp arallel.1l Khiron may also have been shown on this dinos, as he is on both the Erskine Dinos and the FranpoisV ase. As in both of those, he would apparentlyh ave been shown separatef rom his wife, not beside her-otherwise we ought to see at least traceso f his figureo r of his name on this fragment.B oth Leto and Kharildow ear complex dressesw ith polychromea nimalsr eminiscento f the Corinthianp ainted creaturesw ho serve as models for so much in Sophilos' animal parades.12T o our right, walking in front of these two figures,i s anotherp air of female figures: Ae[!]ETcp (Demeter) is written retrogradet op-to-bottom along the line of her back, letter-basest owardsh er (the first two epsilons and the tau partial),h accta (Hestia) orthogradec urvingd ownwardb efore the face of the woman in the lead (with closed heta, c in the form later normal for retrogradei nscriptions): the name Hestia clearlyg oes with the figure fartherf rom the viewer. The placement of Demeter's name, written as it is along the back of the nearerf igure,r einforces that. Next to our right is a figure only partiallyp reserved,p robablyI ris. No inscriptionr emains;b ut comparisono f her apparentp osition at the head of the 11T hreatte (1980: 22) transcribest his fIaTpoQxu;w ith Ki n placeo f 9, and cites it as an exception to Sophilos'u sage in Xaptl9o. Immerwahr( 1990: 21, no. 62) transcribest he hero's name correctly, but does not comment on the qoppa. See below, 20. 12O n such dressesw ith "story-friezes"a nd the techniquesn eeded to make them in the absenceo f true tapestry,s ee Barber1 992: esp. 112-117. SOPHILOSV' ASEI NSCRIPTIONS 15 procession,h er costume, and her attributest o those of the figurel abelled" Iris"o n the Erskine Dinos can leave little doubt. There is the same white flesh, similar short-sleeved and short-skirtedk hitoniskos,1a3n d the lower end of the herald's staff (complete on the Erskine Dinos) which shows the goddess'so ffice. For this occasion, she may be imagined to act as a sort of travellingb utler,i ntroducingt he divinitiest o the bridegrooma s they arrive,a s well as announcingt he arrivalo f the processiona s a whole. On the analogy of both the Erskine Dinos and the parallel scene on the Francois Vase, this fragment ought to represent the leading figures of the wedding procession (those closest to the bridegroom'sh ouse), although on the Francois Vase Iris walks beside Khiron the centaur, whose human foreparts actuallys lightly precede her. Kleitiash as not felt bound to follow every detail of any earlierv ersion known to us:14f or instance, his Iris' short chiton is decorated in a form of plaid rather than the solid colour of both Sophilan examples;a nd Khiront akes Peleus'h and above an altarw hich Sophilos certainlyd id not include on the ErskineD inos, and cannot be shown to have used here. Fragmentjg ives us the head of noac[i5ov] (Poseidon),h is name sloping down retrogradeb ehind his head, the c partial. Partly obscuredb y him and a touch ahead is his wife Av[ItTptpT(cA] mphitrite),w ritten orthogradet o the right from her forehead (v partial).15T hough her name is poorly preserved,t he reading is highly probable:t he couple appeart ogether on the ErskineD inos, the goddess's name spelt with initial Av as here, and also on the FrancoisV ase, with the same spelling (Wachter 1991: 90, no. 68; 99). On the latter two vases, the divine couple are mounted on a chariot. Here, although it would be consonant with their riding in a chariot that their heads almost touch the upper border of the scene (we can compare the figures of fragmentc , for whom the reins and whip or goad are partiallyp reserved),t he heads of others who are not chariot-borne come almost into contact with that border;a nd the walking Iris' head must have touched. Fragment d shows a serpentine creaturew ho (again on the analogy of the ErskineD inos and-though less completely-the FrancoisV ase [Wachter 1991: 89, no. 91; 99]) could be Okeanos.16T he drapedm ale figurew alking on the far side of the sea-serpentb ody, however, has no equivalento n the Erskine Dinos, where the space behind Okeanos' human torso is taken up by two female figures (see below, 30).17 Beazley had alreadys uggested (1986: 27) for the equivalent 13Thoughh eret he hem/selvagies markedb y shortv erticailn cisionsr, athert hant he "painted" maeandeorf the figureo n the ErskineD inos. 14Whethetrh at" modelw" asv isual,p oetic,o r basedm oreo n his own imaginationw, hateveirt s originali nspiration. 15F orv in placeo f the laters tandarpd beforep losivess, eeT hreatte1 980:5 95-596. AvIvrptpIiTs the standardsp ellingo n the manyC orinthianp inakesin the BerlinC harlottenbucrogl lectionw hich presentth eseg ods( vidi). 16B uts ee Beazley1 986:2 7 andb elow,n . 18. 17Therem ayb e twow alkingf iguresr atherth ano ne. The darks egmento f clothingo n the right, howeverl,o oks-even in enlargedc olourp hotographs-juslti ke the insideo f the sleevet o ourl eft. 16 PHOENIX figures (poorly preserved)o n the Franfois Vase that the human-bodiedf igure must be Okeanos, and the serpent/compositec ompanion perhaps one of the Tritons.18 This seems also the best interpretationh ere, with Okeanos (human in body; nothing remains of his head) in charge of the sea-creature.T he fact that the human figure walks aft of the forepartso f the sea-creaturem akes good sense. After all, people on Greek vases (and in real life) herd cattle like this; and literarym etaphorsf or Okeanos and other marined ivinitiesm aket hem herdsmen of various underwaterb easts.19 No part of either name is preserved,l eaving speculationl ittle to grasp. Stewart'ss uggestion (1983: 59) that this is Okeanos with Hephaistos walking beside, is problematic. Early images of Hephaistos, which generallyg o out of their way to show the deformityo f his leg(s), make this improbable.F or Sophilos on the ErskineD inos, as later for Kleitias,H ephaistos is too badly crippledt o walk or to stand in a chariot,a nd must ride his mule or donkey side-saddle. Fig. 2: Fragmenit of AthensW eddingD inos (B39/15)w ith inscriptionn amingt he NyssaiP. hoto:M . Kilmer. Fragmenti preserveso ne frontalf emalef ace andt wo moref emalef acesa t right, turned to our left. The frontal female plays the syrinx. The inscriptions loping down to the right of the two profileh eads (orthogradet, hough the a is written as laterr etrogrades igmasw ill be) is the word Nuaat (Nyssai;F ig. 2). Stewart( 1983: 59) and Beazley (1986: 17) take the two profile women as Nyssai, "Dionysos' companions,"s o also does Immerwahr( 1990: 186). These nymphs of Mount Nyssa, though minor charactersf or us moderns, are also known from myth as nurseso f Dionysos.20D espite this simple interpretationt,h e inscriptionh as given (and continues to give) rise to an inordinatea mounto f difficulty,c auseda t least The incisedl inew hichm eetst he curvedb acko f the seam onsterm akess ensea s the undersidoef the leftf orearmof the samef iguret:h e armi s stretchedou tb eforeh im,a ndh is cloakm ustt ravewl ithi t. The cosed handt o ourl eft is bestt akena s a dosedr ighth and:t he shorts traighlti neb elowt he base of the thumbis not parto f the painter'isn tention. 18Okeanoosn the FrancoiVs aseh as" ah umanb odyb ut the heada ndn ecko f a bull"( Beazley 1986:2 7). We maya lsoc ompareth e figureo f Nereus( perhaprsa ther" aT riton"s)h ownp erhaps in combatw ith Herakles(? ) on Sophilosc' olumn-kratienr Athens( B40/24).T he bellyp atternis somewhasti mplerb; utt hiss ea-monstehra sa beardedse rpengt rowingfr omh isb ack.S eea lsob elow, 25-26. 19Fora n extended scene enlargingt he metaphor,o f Proteus,s ee Hom. Od.4 .400-570. 20See Threatte 1980: 260-261; Immerwahr1 990: 21, no. 61. Henrichs( 1987: 116, n. 41) follows West (1978: 373-374) in identifying the Nyssai as tree-nymphs. Immerwahr( 1990: 186 Add. et corr.)s upportst his. For the Nysai (or Nyssai) as nurseso f Dionysos, see Graves 1960: 104; for this SOPHILOSV' ASEI NSCRIPTIONS 17 in partb y scholars'a ssumptiont hat what is difficultt o understandi n inscriptions is likely to be ancient error. Vanderpool (1953: 322) offered the suggestion that the word should be read as <M>uacL (i.e., Moiotai, Muses) "althoughi t involves a rare case of v for p." This reading also requiresa n unusual use of upsilon, rathert han omikron,f or the ou of laterA ttic.21S ophilosm ay use upsilon to represent the spurious diphthong later written ou in the name FIarpo9Xu; (probablyf or the laterg enitive form l-aTpoKoo6;)o n the Athens Dinos fragment from Pharsalos( B39/16; see Plate 2). Considerablyla ter( ca 540), a parallelw hose implicationsa re much clearert han in our text, is the inscriptiono n an amphora of Panathenaics hape in London (B307/59): AUVEIKEC. Uht no; . vtKat ("theh orse of Dy(s)niketos is the winner"),w here the final u of the owner'sn ame is clearly intended to be the Attic ou genitive ending. The preservedt ext of Sophilos' inscription, however, makes good sense as it stands. If we were dealing here with a manuscript,r athert han with an inscriptiono n a pot, few scholarsw ould argue in favour of an emendation which does not improve on the manuscript reading for sense or for context. Most scholarsw ould be doubly cautious about an emendationw hich additionallyr equiresc hangesw hich go againstt he normal usage of the author( and of the "manuscript"-thati s, the preservedi nscriptions) in question. The emendation requiresu s to accept that Sophilos here wrote v where he ought to have written lp (here and nowhere else). It requiresu s to acceptt hat Sophilos here made a hash of writing a word (Mooaat) which in other places gives him no difficulty at all. This is not reasonable. These women are Nyssai. The syrinx-playerS tewartt akes to be the Muse Kalliope,t hough this requires a somewhat difficult logic. Kleitias names as Kalliope, among the Muses in the wedding procession, the frontal syrinx-player. Because of Kleitias' special treatmento f Kalliope, Stewart (1983: 57-58) takes her to be, for Kleitias, chief of the Muses.22O n this basis, the syrinx-playingf emale whom Sophilos grouped with the two women clearly named as Nysai, Stewartb elieves to be the Muse Kalliope. On the Erskine Dinos, in the first group of Motsa (Muses; Williams 1983: fig. 31) Stewart (1983: 61) once again identifies the frontal syrinx-player as Kalliope (with rather more probability, as the painter calls these women Muses). On the Athens fragment, she could be simply a Nyssa playing the syrinx-nymphs, after all, are expected to be musical. Kleitias, however, names theyw erel atert o be honoureda s the constellatioonf the Hyades.T he Nyssaia ret o be treatedin a supplementto LIMC,a longw ith "Kentauroai"n da ssortedo thers.O n this matterI alignm yself with BeazleyS, tewarta, ndI mmerwahrra thert hanw ith Vanderpooaln d( thoughm oret entatively) ThreatteE. itherg roupm akesa formidablael ly. 21O n u foro u, seeT hreatte1 980:2 60-261;I mmerwah1r9 90:1 62.F ort hes tandarodr thography of thisp eriodo, mikronr epresentinwgh atl aterA tticG reekw ritesa s the spuriouds iphthongo u, see, fore xampleB, uck1 955 [1933]:3 0. 22S o alsoW achter1 991: 107-108,s tressingth e similaritoyf mosto f KleitiasM' uses'n amest o thosei n Hesiod.