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Some contributions of Thorstein B. Veblen to sociology PDF

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Preview Some contributions of Thorstein B. Veblen to sociology

SOME CONTRIBUTIONS OP THORSTEIN B* VEBLEN TO SOCIOLOGY A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Sociology U niversity of Southern C alifornia In P a rtia l F ulfillm ent of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Nick Massaro August 1950 UMI Number: EP65695 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI EP65695 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 5 o ' sri /'/'V /v ' This thesis, written by NICK MASSARO under the guidance of h..%3.. Faculty Committee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Council on Graduate Study and Research in partial fulfill­ ment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OP ARTS Faculty Committee TABLE OP CONTENTS CHAPTER TAGrE I . THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITIONS OP TERMS USED . . . . 1 The P ro b le m ................................... 1 The Importance of the s t u d y .......................................... 2 D efin itio n s of terms used 4 Class . . . . . . . ..................................... . . . . . 4 Leisure ......................................... 5 Emulation . . ............................................... . . . . . . 7 Conspicuous consumption . . • • • .......................... 8 Social sta tu s • • • • • • • . • • • • • • • • 9 Conspicuous waste . . . . . . ..................................... 9 Social in s titu tio n s .............................. 10 In s tin c ts ....................................................................... 11 Social change 12 C ultural lag • • • • • • • • . 13 Economics . . . .................................... . . . . . . . 14 Sociology ......................................................... . . . . . . 14 G estalt • • . . • • . . . . . . . . 15 I I . REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND MATERIALS USED..................... 16 Primary sources • • • • • « • • • • • • • • • • 16 Selected works of T horstein Vetolen . • • • • 15 Secondary sources . . . . . . . . . 16 References in so cio lo gical tex ts and p erio d icals 18 CHAPTER , PAGE i l l . BIOGRAPHICAL MOTES........................ 19 Personal H istory of Thorstein Veblen .......................... 19 Major i n t e r e s t s ........................................................................ 30 P rofessional h isto ry .............................................................. 34 S ociological influences . . . . . .......................... 39 Veblen1s influence on S ociologists .......................... 48 IV. MAJOR CONTRIBUTIONS OF THORSTEIN VEBLEN.................... 56 Methodology: a s tru c tu ra l, fu n ctio n al a p p ro a c h ..........................................• • • • .............................. 56 In s titu tio n a l approach to the so c ial sciences . 69 New C o n c e p ts ........................................................ 83 Social c l a s s ................................... 83 In s tin c t of w o rk m a n sh ip ......................... 85 Leisure c l a s s .............................. 86 Canons of re p u ta b ility and em ulation ..................... 86 Canon of s t a t u s ........................................................................ 89 Canon of conspicuous consumption and conspicuous waste .............................................................. 91 Canon of b e llic o s ity ......................................................... 92 Technology as a facto r In so cial change . . . . 94 C riticism of Marxian ideology . . . . • • • • • I l l V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ................................126 BIBLIOGRAPHY......................... 132 CHAPTER I THE PROBIEM AND DEFINITION OF THE TERMS USED I* THE PROBLEM Thorsteln Bundle Veblen has been mainly c la s s ifie d as an economist £ however, in h is own opinion, there is no a b s tra c t science of economics. Economics is only one aspect of the to ta l so c ia l p ro cess. As Robert L* B uffus, who lived w ith Veblen a t Standford, r e la te s : Veblen was sc e p tic a l about the science of economics as a thing standing by i t s e l f above o r below human n a tu re .i This th e s is w ill p resen t some of the so cio lo g ical th eo ries and p rin c ip le s upon which his an aly sis of so c ia l stru c tu re and economics r e s ts . I t has been said th a t many so c io lo g ists consider him a so c io lo g ist. The ch ief reason fo r the neglect of Veblen among the economists was the fa c t th a t he was so much more than an economic th e o r is t. As George H erbert Mead has so a p tly said : Veblen broke down the conventional d iv isio n between economics, ethnology, anthropology, psychology and the p hysical sciences: in b oth su b ject m atter and methodology, he divorced him self from his contem poraries, fo r he had the sy n th etic approach of the genuine so c io lo g ist. ^ Robert L. B uffus, The Innocents a t Cedro, (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1944), p . 14. ^ George H erbert Mead, Review of **The Nature of Peace and the Terms of i t s P e rp etu atio n , 11 Journal of P o litic a l Economy, 35:755, Ju ly , 1918. In the same v ein , Charles Hunt Page, in h is te x t, Class and American Sociology* introduces h is main problem of c la s s , i t s a n aly sis and function by re fe rrin g p rim arily to T horstein Veblen and h is role in the development of American 3 Sociology* I I THE UPORTANCE OP THE STUDY Why is Veblen becoming more im portant in the so c ia l sciences? Why should we take cognisance of h is ideas and concepts today? Because his methodology and a n a ly tic a l schemata p o in t toward a more refin e d con ceptu alization , which may be seen in the works of such men as Durkheim, Sorokin, P areto , Weber, Parsons, Merton and o th e rs • Promising work is also being done in fie ld s re la te d to sociology, and in other f ie ld s , examples of which are afforded by Weiner in b io ­ p hysics, Alexander and Proram in a n a ly tic a l psychology. Carpenter in p o etry , and R eiser in philosophy* As Lewis Mum- ford has su ccinctly summed i t up: V eblenrs thought should not be confined to economic c irc le s ; i t should be f ilte r in g through and p en etratin g every pore of our in te lle c tu a l l i f e *4 By reviewing some of h is sociolo g ical co n trib u tio n s to p resen t so c ia l thought as found in the works of ^ C harles Hunt Page, Class and American Sociology (Hew York: The D ial P ress, 1940), p* x iii* A Lewis Mumford, “S tick of Dynamite Wrapped Like Candy11, Saturday Review of L ite r a tu r e , 11:41?, January, 1935* 3 Lewis Mumford, S tu art Chase, Wesley M itch ell, Kenneth Burke, Max L erner, P a tric k Geddes, Stephen Leacock, John Dos Passes, Ernest Sutherland B ates, John Chamberlain-- * and many others can be added to the l i s t of complete or par­ t i a l “V eblenitesw?-the extent of his influence upon his own 5 and a la te r generation can be more properly measured* Even John Dewey has expressed his indebtedness to Veblen for many of his id eas, e sp e c ia lly those dealing w ith the so cial 6 process* Professor Daniel Aaron asks the qu estio n: Why has Veblen1s influence been so pervasive and far-reach in g? Many notable c u ltu ra l and economic an aly sts have found fa u lt w ith business e n te rp ris e , w ith i ts emphasis upon the amassing of money without considering its re s u lta n t c u ltu ra l ram ifica­ tio n s. The annals of h isto ry rev eal th at so cio -relig io u s w rite rs , the “Muckrakers" of the Theodore Roosevelt e ra , and many so -called progressives have exposed the gross inequal­ i t i e s of our so ciety w ith great and consummate s k ill and passion. In th is re sp e c t, Aaron w rites? Veblenfs current p op ularity must be a ttrib u te d in part to the relevance of his so c ia l and economic id eas, his views on war, re lig io n , education, busi­ ness and manners are as pertin en t today as when he 5 Daniel Aaron, “T horstein Veblen? M oralist and Rhet­ o r ic ia n ,” Antioch Review, 7?381-90, September, 1947. 6 Stanley Mathew D augert, The Philosophy of T horstein V eblen, (New York? King's Crown P ress, l95b}, p. v. 4 f i r s t wrote them beginning around the turn of the cen tu ry . 7 Arthur K. Davis sums up the importance of V eblen^ theo ries by sta tin g : Few other Americans have had as much Influence on the so cial thought of th e ir tim es. Yet he l e f t no "school” to elaborate h is point of view. I l l DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED C lass. This is a concept th at has grown in meaning since Karl Marx used i t to show that h isto ry was oniy^ the / m an ifestatio n of classes in constant struggle fo r supremacy in the s ta te . For Marx, h isto ry unfolded toward a fo re ­ ordained goal through class struggle toward a c la ssle ss so ciety . In the middle of the tw entieth century, the re s u lt of th is utopian ideology is seen in the drive toward world dom ination by Soviet R ussia, predicated upon th is In sid io u s theory. For Veblen there were no foreordained g o als: only a ceaseless Darwinian process of continuous cum ulative change. Veblen used the term C lass, w ithout the im plication of c o n flic t. He used i t w ith a dual meaning, one of which was a socio-economic aggregate where groups are d is tin c t from 7 D aniel Aaron, 0£. c i t ., p. 383. Q Arthur K. D avis, "Sociological Elements in Veblen's Economic Theory” , P o litic a l Economics, 53:140, June, 1945. 5 each other on an economic b a sis. The other was based on a so cial-p sych o lo gical an aly sis of those who shared in common values and, to some degree, common a sp ira tio n s . For Veblen, in co n trast to Marx, America is not a so c iety of closed sta tu s or of sharply drawn c la sse s. The d is tin c tio n between pecuniary and in d u s tria l occupations is a more accurate analysis of the American situ a tio n than one c Q predicated upon c lass c o n flic ts , Cooley’s d e fin itio n of the term class combined elements found in Marx and Veblen: A group separated and segregated in terms of s p e c ia liz a tio n of function and having a measure of in te rn a l u n ity and cohesion, such as a ru lin g c la s s , a p rie s tly c la s s , or a so c ia l c la ss . More lo o sely used, it re fe rs to any p art of a population having common c h a ra c te ristic s or sim ilar so cial s ta tu s , as fo r example, an educated c la ss , the middle c la s s , the wage-earning c la s s , e tc . A Social class may be defined as a major group w ithin an economic sustem whose members are recog­ n izab ly and s ig n ific a n tly alik e in th e ir re la tio n s to a basic d iv isio n of economic power or function. In other words, a so cial class is an economic group whose members are a lik e in th e ir re la tio n s to the process of g ettin g a liv in g . 10 L eisu re. The cessatio n of work was the great end of the a c q u isitio n of w ealth, but Veblen1s use of the term has 9 / Max L erner, The Portable Veblen (New York: The Viking P ress, 1948), pp. 30-36. Edward B. R euter, Handbook of Sociology (New York: The Dryden P ress, 1941), p. 911.

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