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SOME ASPECTS OF POLITICAL BROADCAST POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES PDF

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Preview SOME ASPECTS OF POLITICAL BROADCAST POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES

SOME ASPECTS OF . * / 'POLITICAL BROADCAST POLICIES OF Ka DIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES DISSERTATION Presented in Partial -Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By ■ , i richard Merrill m a l l , b .s ., m .a . The- Ohio State University 1952 • • Adviser TABLE OF CONTENTS CnAFTER PAGE I. THE PROBLEM OF POLITICAL BROADCASTING . . . . 1 II. LEGAL AND REGULATORY PROVISIONS AFFECTING POLITICAL BROADCASTS IN THE UNITED STATES . 37 III. POLITICAL rOLlCIES OF NATIONAL RADIO AND TELEVISION NETWORKS........................ 105 IV. A oTUDY OF POLITICAL POLICIES OF REPRE­ SENTATIVE STATIONS...................... 117 V. TILE BASES ON WHICH RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS MAKE TIMS AVAILABLE P'OR POLITICAL BROADCASTS............. 137 VI. TEE POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TOWARD POLITICAL SPEAKERS AND TYPES OF POLITICAL MATERIALS........... 174 VII. THE POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TOWARD THE HANDLING OF POLITICAL SCRIPTS AND THEIR CONTENT ................ 212 VIII. MISCELLANEOUS EXPRESSIONS OF POLITICAL BROADCAST POLICY INCLUDING THOSE RELATING TO COMMUNISTS.............................. 242 IX. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS..................... 264 SloLIO j-RAPHY......................................... 283 APPENDIX 292 ii 2.1744 £> LIST OP TABLES TABLE NO. PAGE I. CHARACTERISTICS OP THE SAMPLE OP AM RADIO STATIONS WHICH REPLIED TO THE POLITICAL BROADCAST POLICY QUESTIONNAIRE ......... 132 II. CHARACTERISTICS OP THE SAMPLE OP TELEVISION STATIONS WHICH REPLIED TO THE POLITICAL BROADCAST POLICY QUESTIONNAIRE .......... 123 III. RADIO AND TELEVISION STATION EXECUTIVE POSITIONS OP RESPONDENTS WHO ANSWERED QUESTIONNAIRES ........................... 136 IV. PROPORTION OP RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WHICH DO SELL TIME FOR POLITICAL BROADCASTS................................ 140 V. PROPORTION OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WHICH DO GIVE FREE TIME FOR POLITICAL BROADCASTS . . . . . . . . .............. 144 VI. PROPORTION OP RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WHICH RESTRICT TOTAL AMOUNT OF AVAILABLE POLITICAL T I M E ........................... 146 VII. PROPORTION OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WHICH DO CANCEL REGULAR COMMERCIALS IN FAVOR OP POLITICAL BROADCASTS......... 158 VIII. PROGRAM TYPES WHICH RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WILL NOT CANCEL FOR PRESENTA­ TION OP POLITICAL BROADCASTS ......... 163 ill LIST OF TABLES (continued) iv ABJjE w o . page IX. SALES PRACTICES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WHICH SELL TIME FOR POLITICAL BROADCASTS............................... 168 X. INDIVIDUALS OR GROUPS TO WHOM RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WILL SELL POLITICAL BROADCAST TIME DURING CAMPAIGNS . . . . 177 XI. INDIVIDUALS OR GROUPS TO WHOM RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WILL SELL POLITICAL BROADCAST TIME BETWEEN CAMPAIGNS . . . . 178 XII. TIIE BROADCAST OF FORUM DISCUSSIONS ON POLITICAL ISSUES BY RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS.................................. 188 XIII. THE POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TOWARD THE BROADCAST OF "REPORTS" BY PUBLIC OFFICIALS DURING CAMPAIGNS . . . 194 XIV. THE POLICIES OF iiADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TOWARD THE BROADCAST OF "REPORTS *' BY PUBLIC OFFICIALS BETWEEN CAMPAIGNS . 195 XV. THE POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TOWARD THE BROADCAST OF CERTAIN POLITICAL MATERIALS DURING CAMPAIGNS . 200 XVI. THE POLICIES OF RAiXEO AND TELEVISION STATIONS DURING CAMPAIGNS TOWARD POLITICAL STANDS BY NEWS COMMENTATORS AND RELIGIOUS SPEAKERS .................. 207 LIST OF TABLES (continued) v C”after page XVII. THE POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TOWARD THE ADVANCE SUBMISSION OF POLITICAL SCRIPTS ..................... 215 XVIII. THE POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TOWARD REQUESTING CONTENT ChANGES IN POLITICAL SCRIPTS DURING CAMPAIGNS............................... 221 XIX. THE EFFECTS OF STATION AGE ON THE POLICIES OF FULL-TIME STATIONS TOWARD REQUESTING CONTENT CHANGES IN POLITICAL SCRIPTS DURING CAMPAIGNS ......................... 224 XX. THE ACTIONS TAKEN BY RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS DURING CAMPAIGNS WHEN A POLITICAL SPEAKER REFUSES TO MAKE oCRIPT CHANGES.......................................230 XXI. PROPORTION OF n^DlO AND TELEVISION STATIONS vVKICH CARRY POLITICAL LIABILITY INSURANCE 233 XXII. PROPORTION OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS WHICH USE DISCLAIMERS PITH LOCAL POLITICAL BROADCASTS .................... 237 XXIII. THE POLICIES OF AFFILIATES TOWARD CERTAIN NETWORK POLITICAL BROADCAST SITUATIONS DURING CAMPAIGNS ......................... 250 aXIV. THE POLICIES OF RADIO AND TELEVISION STATIONS TO'WARD POLITICAL BROADCASTS BY COMMUNISTS DURING CAMPAIGNS.............. 253 CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM OF POLITICAL BROADCASTING Broadcasting in the United States is usually con­ sidered to date from November 2, 1920, when Station KDKA, Pittsburgh, broadcast ■‘■he Harding-Cox election returns. The only receiving sets in the hands of the public in those days were largely confined to amateur telegraph operators. The audience for this first broadcast was probably limited to fewer than five hundred or a thousand persons. Both sides in the election had predicted victory, but everyone knew either candidate mlgfcit win and public interest was at fever pitch. As the returns were reported that night, they were flashed across the country by tele­ graph. Crowds stood for hours before outdoor bulletin boards to see the returns, many of them forced to endure driving rains. In Pittsburgh, however, Station KDKA had a man read the telegraph reports into a microphone and his voice was transmitted over a radius of hundreds of miles. While most of the anxious population had to endure relative dis­ comfort to get the election returns, many pioneer radio fans were hearing the same returns in the cozy climate of their own homes. Unlike the millions who depended on bulletin boards and successive editions of newspapers, 1 the small audience of radio listeners knew what was happen­ ing as it happened. The KDKA experiment was Tar from a national sensa­ tion, but it did receive some attention from the press and stirred an interest in radio among the people. It marked the beginning of a type of regularly scheduled programming. Prom three stations In 1920, the number rose to over 500 In 1923, and the sales of radio receivers rose from $2,000,000 to $136,000,000 in the same three-year period.^- In 1923, half of the stations were less than 100 watts in power and very few were more than 500 watts. The number 2 of receiving sets had grown to 1,500,000. Within a little over three decades, radio broad­ casting and receiving grew from a plaything of amateurs into a giant industry and a most significant vehicle of communication. It grew so much that Brigadier General David Sarnoff, chairman of the board of the Radio Corpora­ tion of America, In his year-end statement for 1951, de­ clared: ^"Giraud Chester and Garnet R. Garrison, Radio and Television. (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1 9 5 0 p. 22. ^Herman S* Hettinger, "Broadcasting in the United States," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social^Science. T^7:l, January, l6&>. By election’ day ... in 1952 ... there will be approximately 18 million television sets in the Uni*ted States -with a potefhtial audience of more than 60. million persons - exceeding the total popula­ tion of the United States when Grrover Cleveland cam­ paigned f or *'the presidency in 1884. For the first time coast-to-coast* network facilities will be available for the national campaigns .... ** ? * • Today there are 2,400 AM and 680 FM stations in the United States. ^aily broadcasts cover 95^> of the country. . Approximately 12 million new radio sets were sold by the industry in 1951, lifting the total in this country close to the 100 million mark, including About 24 million automobile radios. There are’ 43 million radio equipped homes ... On -the threshold of 1952, it is difficult to imagine a .world without radio, or homes without broadcast receivers and television sets . ...^ Thus in a little more than thirty years, radio has .become a tremendous industry and its companion, television, is just beginning a career which seems likely to show a comparable expansion. The next few years will unques­ tionably see a growth in the number of television stations - some say as many as two or three thousand. The number of stations and people engaged in the transmission of radio and television programs is powerful evidence of the important role broadcasting plays in our society. Broadcasting, by giving new force to the spoken 3 "Sarnoff,a Broadcasting. 38:47, December 24, 1951 word, has become an uncommonly powerful medium to do good or evil In American society. Radio'a persistent command of our attentions tends to make it an Important creator of our values, desires, and tensions, . Radio achieves its * • greatest Intact on the public as a'source of,information, persuasion, and entertainment. For public speakers, radio and television broad­ casting has magnified the potential audience enormously ■ and personalized the communicative bond. A single speaker and a great audience, spread over vast areas, divided into family units, yet intimately affected by the sound of the human voice, is the essence of the broadcast situation. It allows one individual to bring to bear, in a. single moment, the full force of his vocal persuasiveness upon a nation of listeners. In enslaved countries, radio Is an arm of govern­ mental policy. In many free countries,. It Is often a re­ spectable narrow-meshed sieve whicji permits only occasional accents of political controversy to reach listeners. By contrast, the system of broadcasting in the United States can be considered an open public forum. The search of the American broadcaster Is not to guard and guide the political tendencies of the country.* It Is to get broad­ casts on the*air. ■ • The program service offered by American broadcast- . Ing is unusually complete. It is adapted to national conditions and psychology. It Is a democratically con- * trolled service, the broadcaster giving those pro'grams « * • which constant research and direct expression ox" opinion. * ■ * * Indicate to be the most popular. /It.is necessary that he do this IT he Is to build* station circulation with which to attract advertisers. In the span of years since the broadcasting of the- Hardlng-Cox election returns at Pittsburgh In-.1920, radio and television broadcasting have become agencies of mass communication comparable to the press. The broadcasting station has become the public platform as the forum for debate of current issues,, for presenting the- claims of rival candidates for public office, and for dissemination of opinions and ideas over the entire* range of human Interests. In a word, broadcasting is at present far and away the most Impressive claimant for the protection under the constitutional guaranty of the freedom of speech, just as the newspaper Is the principal claimant for protec­ tion under the sister guaranty of the freedom of the press. Broadcasting Is used for political persuasion In election campaigning and in building up political causes and personalities. Experienced political candidates plan their radio and television campaigns with care. Political parties now assign progressively larger.portions of their

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