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Socialism in Galicia: The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860–1890) PDF

254 Pages·1983·8.929 MB·English
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H'A 315 NsH55 John-Paul Himka Socialism in Galicia/ The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860-1890) Distributed by Harvard University Press for the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute Publication of this book was made possible by a grant from the Ukrainian Studies Fund Copyright © 1983 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved ISBN 0-916458-07-5 Library of Congress Catalog Number 83-047953 Printed in the United States of America The Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute was established in 1973 as an integral part of Harvard University. It supports research associates and visiting scholars who are engaged in projects concerned with all aspects of Ukrainian studies. The Institute also works in close cooperation with the Committee on Ukrainian Studies, which supervises and coordinates the teaching of Ukrainian history, language, and literature at Harvard University. Dedicated to the Memory of my Grandmother, EVA HIMKA (1886-1974), and to the other heroes of this narrative, named and unnamed, who struggled for human dignity. Vichnaia im pamiat’ Contents Preface vii Introduction 1 Galicia: Poles and Ukrainians 3 Galician Autonomy 8 I. Polish Artisans, 1860-1877 13 The Dissolution of the Guilds and the Emergence of Voluntary Artisan Associations 14 Democrats, Demonstrations and the Politicization of Lviv’s Artisans 16 Democrats and Craftsmen 24 Radicalization 29 II. Ukrainian Politics, 1860-1878 40 • Russophilism and Ukrainophilism (National Populism) 40 Drahomanov and Galician Politics 46 Three Epistles to the Galicians 51 A Fanatic and a Poet: The Younger Generation 56 Arrests and Trials 64 III. Polish Socialism in Lviv and Cracow 71 In Defense of the Journeymen 71 Grappling with Theory 77 The Socialist Conspiracy in Cracow 85 A Conspiratorial Experiment in Lviv 99 IV. Ukrainian Socialism 106 The Dilemma of Ukrainian Socialism 106 Boryslav 115 Franko and the Agrarian Question 118 Social Conflict in the Awakening Village 121 Radical Agitation in the Countryside 124 V. The Formation of Political Parties 141 Strikes and Assemblies 142 Student Radicalism in the 1880s 152 The Founding of Parties 165 The Parties and the Masses 170 173 Conclusions 180 Notes 228 Select Bibliography 235 Index Preface Austrian Poles and Ukrainians had for many things three names: a German, Polish and Ukrainian name. The viceroy of Galicia, for instance, was called Statthalter, namiestnik and namisnyk. A district was called Bezirk, powiat and povit. Cracow was called Krakau, Krakow and Krakiv. In general, I have used English equivalents for all adminis­ trative offices and divisions to avoid favoring the language of one nationality over that of another. For geographical names, I have favored common English usage where such exists: Vienna, Kiev, Cracow and Warsaw, for example. Otherwise, I have given Galician place names in their modern Polish or Ukrainian spelling, depending on whether the places are now in Poland or Soviet Ukraine. The only exception is Ivano-Frankivsk, for which I use the old name Stanyslaviv. Since Ivan Franko is a leading dramatis persona of this study, it would have been ludicrous-to use the modern name. I have not tampered at all with Polish words and names: all diacritical marks remain. In the case of Ukrainian and Russian, I have transliter­ ated from Cyrillic according to the Library of Congress system, with some simplifications. Except in bibliographical references, la, le, Io and lu are rendered as Ya, Ye, Yo and Yu when they are found at the beginning of proper nouns; the endings -yi and -ii in Ukrainian and Russian surnames are replaced by -y; and all apostrophes indicating soft signs are omitted. Since Ukrainian was not standardized in the nine­ teenth century, some letters that Ukrainians then used are not to be found in the modern Ukrainian alphabet (and hence in the LC system). In these cases, I have phonetically transliterated the old into the modern alphabet and then used the LC system. In the case of writings in iazychiie and “attempted Russian” emanating from Galicia, I have transliterated them as though they were in Ukrainian. This follows the actual phonetic practice of nineteenth-century Galicia. In some cases it has been difficult to decide how to refer to certain individuals. Some ethnic Ukrainians, for example, were almost totally assimilated into Polish society. In the end, I decided to call them by their Polish names (J6zef Daniluk instead of Osyp Danyliuk). There X Socialism in Galicia were some borderline cases, however, whom I ended up calling by their Ukrainian names (Mykhailo Drabyk instead of Michal Drabik, Stany- slav Kozlovsky instead of Stanislaw Kozlowski). Many Austrian Ukrain­ ians considered themselves Russians, but I have consistently used the Ukrainian version of their names. I have used the current standard version of almost all Ukrainian first names except in bibliographical references where the author’s name is given in the publication itself and in regularly used peasant diminutives. I am grateful to the International Research and Exchanges Board, to both the East European and Soviet divisions, for arranging and funding two years of research in Poland and the USSR; to the Department of Health, Education and Welfare (Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Program) for supporting research in Poland and Austria; to the Department of History of The University of Michigan for a Rackham Predoctoral Fellowship enabling me to spend an aca­ demic year writing; and to the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences in the U.S. for a stipend to prepare an earlier draft of this study. I would also like to thank the staffs of the following archives and libraries for their great generosity: Archiwum Paristwowe M. Krakowa i Woj. Krakowskiego (Cracow); Centralne Archiwum Komitetu Cen- tralnego PZPR (Warsaw); Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (Vienna); Verein fiir Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung (Vienna); Instytut litera- tury Akademii nauk URSR, Viddil rukopysiv (Kiev); L’vivs’kyi oblas- nyi derzhavnyi arkhiv (Lviv); Tsentral’nyi derzhavnyi istorychnyi arkhiv URSR u L’vovi (Lviv); the university libraries of Vienna, War­ saw, Leningrad, Lviv and Kiev; Biblioteka Jagiellohska (Cracow); Biblioteka Narodowa (Warsaw); Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek (Vienna); Glavnaia publichnaia biblioteka im. Saltykova-Shchedrina (Leningrad); and Tsentral’na naukova biblioteka Akademii nauk URSR (Kiev). Thanks are also due to my hosts in Europe: Jagellonian University (Cracow), Leningrad University, Lviv University and Kiev University. I am especially indebted to those who acted as my advisors in an official capacity: Professor Roman Szporluk at The University of Michi­ gan; Prorector Jdzef Buszko at Jagellonian University; Professor Stanislav Mikhailovich Stetskevich at Leningrad University; and Pro­ fessor Antin Petrovych Kalynovsky at Lviv University. I wish to thank, too, for their guidance: Dr. Roman Solchanyk (Radio Liberty); Edward Kasinec (Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute); Academi- Preface xi cians Krzysztof Dunin-Wijsowicz, Stefan Kozak and Walentyna Najdus (Polska Akademia Nauk, Warsaw); Professor Elzbieta Hornowa (Wyzsza Szkota Pedagogiczna w Opole); the late Professor Jan Kozik (Jagellonian University); Professor Marian Tyrowicz (emeritus, WSP w Krakowie); and Professor Vladimir Vasilevich Mavrodin (Leningrad University). For comments on earlier drafts and suggestions for revi­ sion, I am also grateful to Professors John V. A. Fine, Arthur P. Mendel and Horace W. Dewey (The University of Michigan); Professor Taras Hunczak (Rutgers University); Professor Martha Bohachevsky- Chomiak (Manhattanville College); and Andrij Makuch (The Univer­ sity of Alberta). David Marples (Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, The University of Alberta) was kind enough to help me with proofreading.

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