Socialism in Galicia: The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860–1890)

254 Pages·1983·8.929 MB·English

by  John-Paul Himka

H'A
315
NsH55
John-Paul Himka
Socialism in Galicia/
The Emergence of Polish Social Democracy
and Ukrainian Radicalism (1860-1890)
Distributed by Harvard University Press
for the
Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute
Publication of this book was made possible by a grant from the
Ukrainian Studies Fund
Copyright © 1983 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College
All rights reserved
ISBN 0-916458-07-5
Library of Congress Catalog Number 83-047953
Printed in the United States of America
The Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute was established in 1973 as an integral
part of Harvard University. It supports research associates and visiting scholars
who are engaged in projects concerned with all aspects of Ukrainian studies. The
Institute also works in close cooperation with the Committee on Ukrainian
Studies, which supervises and coordinates the teaching of Ukrainian history,
language, and literature at Harvard University.
Dedicated to the Memory of my Grandmother,
EVA HIMKA (1886-1974),
and to the other heroes of this narrative,
named and unnamed,
who struggled for human dignity.
Vichnaia im pamiat’

Contents
Preface vii
Introduction 1
Galicia: Poles and Ukrainians 3
Galician Autonomy 8
I. Polish Artisans, 1860-1877 13
The Dissolution of the Guilds and the Emergence of
Voluntary Artisan Associations 14
Democrats, Demonstrations and the Politicization
of Lviv’s Artisans 16
Democrats and Craftsmen 24
Radicalization 29
II. Ukrainian Politics, 1860-1878 40
• Russophilism and Ukrainophilism (National Populism) 40
Drahomanov and Galician Politics 46
Three Epistles to the Galicians 51
A Fanatic and a Poet: The Younger Generation 56
Arrests and Trials 64
III. Polish Socialism in Lviv and Cracow 71
In Defense of the Journeymen 71
Grappling with Theory 77
The Socialist Conspiracy in Cracow 85
A Conspiratorial Experiment in Lviv 99
IV. Ukrainian Socialism 106
The Dilemma of Ukrainian Socialism 106
Boryslav 115
Franko and the Agrarian Question 118
Social Conflict in the Awakening Village 121
Radical Agitation in the Countryside 124
V. The Formation of Political Parties 141
Strikes and Assemblies 142
Student Radicalism in the 1880s 152
The Founding of Parties 165
The Parties and the Masses 170
173
Conclusions
180
Notes
228
Select Bibliography
235
Index
Preface
Austrian Poles and Ukrainians had for many things three names: a
German, Polish and Ukrainian name. The viceroy of Galicia, for
instance, was called Statthalter, namiestnik and namisnyk. A district was
called Bezirk, powiat and povit. Cracow was called Krakau, Krakow
and Krakiv. In general, I have used English equivalents for all adminis­
trative offices and divisions to avoid favoring the language of one
nationality over that of another. For geographical names, I have favored
common English usage where such exists: Vienna, Kiev, Cracow and
Warsaw, for example. Otherwise, I have given Galician place names in
their modern Polish or Ukrainian spelling, depending on whether the
places are now in Poland or Soviet Ukraine. The only exception is
Ivano-Frankivsk, for which I use the old name Stanyslaviv. Since Ivan
Franko is a leading dramatis persona of this study, it would have been
ludicrous-to use the modern name.
I have not tampered at all with Polish words and names: all diacritical
marks remain. In the case of Ukrainian and Russian, I have transliter­
ated from Cyrillic according to the Library of Congress system, with
some simplifications. Except in bibliographical references, la, le, Io and
lu are rendered as Ya, Ye, Yo and Yu when they are found at the
beginning of proper nouns; the endings -yi and -ii in Ukrainian and
Russian surnames are replaced by -y; and all apostrophes indicating soft
signs are omitted. Since Ukrainian was not standardized in the nine­
teenth century, some letters that Ukrainians then used are not to be
found in the modern Ukrainian alphabet (and hence in the LC system).
In these cases, I have phonetically transliterated the old into the modern
alphabet and then used the LC system. In the case of writings in iazychiie
and “attempted Russian” emanating from Galicia, I have transliterated
them as though they were in Ukrainian. This follows the actual phonetic
practice of nineteenth-century Galicia.
In some cases it has been difficult to decide how to refer to certain
individuals. Some ethnic Ukrainians, for example, were almost totally
assimilated into Polish society. In the end, I decided to call them by
their Polish names (J6zef Daniluk instead of Osyp Danyliuk). There
X Socialism in Galicia
were some borderline cases, however, whom I ended up calling by their
Ukrainian names (Mykhailo Drabyk instead of Michal Drabik, Stany-
slav Kozlovsky instead of Stanislaw Kozlowski). Many Austrian Ukrain­
ians considered themselves Russians, but I have consistently used the
Ukrainian version of their names. I have used the current standard
version of almost all Ukrainian first names except in bibliographical
references where the author’s name is given in the publication itself and
in regularly used peasant diminutives.
I am grateful to the International Research and Exchanges Board, to
both the East European and Soviet divisions, for arranging and funding
two years of research in Poland and the USSR; to the Department of
Health, Education and Welfare (Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation
Research Abroad Program) for supporting research in Poland and
Austria; to the Department of History of The University of Michigan
for a Rackham Predoctoral Fellowship enabling me to spend an aca­
demic year writing; and to the Ukrainian Academy of Arts and Sciences
in the U.S. for a stipend to prepare an earlier draft of this study.
I would also like to thank the staffs of the following archives and
libraries for their great generosity: Archiwum Paristwowe M. Krakowa
i Woj. Krakowskiego (Cracow); Centralne Archiwum Komitetu Cen-
tralnego PZPR (Warsaw); Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (Vienna);
Verein fiir Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung (Vienna); Instytut litera-
tury Akademii nauk URSR, Viddil rukopysiv (Kiev); L’vivs’kyi oblas-
nyi derzhavnyi arkhiv (Lviv); Tsentral’nyi derzhavnyi istorychnyi
arkhiv URSR u L’vovi (Lviv); the university libraries of Vienna, War­
saw, Leningrad, Lviv and Kiev; Biblioteka Jagiellohska (Cracow);
Biblioteka Narodowa (Warsaw); Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek
(Vienna); Glavnaia publichnaia biblioteka im. Saltykova-Shchedrina
(Leningrad); and Tsentral’na naukova biblioteka Akademii nauk
URSR (Kiev). Thanks are also due to my hosts in Europe: Jagellonian
University (Cracow), Leningrad University, Lviv University and Kiev
University.
I am especially indebted to those who acted as my advisors in an
official capacity: Professor Roman Szporluk at The University of Michi­
gan; Prorector Jdzef Buszko at Jagellonian University; Professor
Stanislav Mikhailovich Stetskevich at Leningrad University; and Pro­
fessor Antin Petrovych Kalynovsky at Lviv University. I wish to thank,
too, for their guidance: Dr. Roman Solchanyk (Radio Liberty);
Edward Kasinec (Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute); Academi-
Preface xi
cians Krzysztof Dunin-Wijsowicz, Stefan Kozak and Walentyna Najdus
(Polska Akademia Nauk, Warsaw); Professor Elzbieta Hornowa
(Wyzsza Szkota Pedagogiczna w Opole); the late Professor Jan Kozik
(Jagellonian University); Professor Marian Tyrowicz (emeritus, WSP w
Krakowie); and Professor Vladimir Vasilevich Mavrodin (Leningrad
University). For comments on earlier drafts and suggestions for revi­
sion, I am also grateful to Professors John V. A. Fine, Arthur P.
Mendel and Horace W. Dewey (The University of Michigan); Professor
Taras Hunczak (Rutgers University); Professor Martha Bohachevsky-
Chomiak (Manhattanville College); and Andrij Makuch (The Univer­
sity of Alberta). David Marples (Canadian Institute of Ukrainian
Studies, The University of Alberta) was kind enough to help me with
proofreading.