Bulgaria's Synagogue Poets: The Kastoreans Critical Edition with Introduction and Commentary J. by Leon Weinberger The UniversiTy of AlAbAmA Press Tuscaloosa, Alabama Copyright © 1983 by leon J. Weinberger The University of Alabama Press Tuscaloosa, Alabama 35487-0380 All rights reserved manufactured in the United states of America ∞ The paper on which this book is printed meets the minimum requirements of American national standard for information science–Permanence of Paper for Printed library materials, Ansi Z39.48-1984. library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data main entry under title: shire ha-kodesh li-yehude Kashtoryah. Title on added t.p.: bulgaria’s synagogue poets, the Kastoreans. introd. also in english. bibliography: p. includes index. 1. Piyutim. 2. hebrew poetry— Greece. 3. hebrew poetry—Turkey. 4. hebrew poetry—balkan Peninsula. i. Weinberger, leon J. ii. Title: bulgaria’s synagogue poets, the Kastoreans. bm670.P5s546 1983 296.4 83-12735 isbn 978-0-8173-0182-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) To SHOSHANA, Canticles 2:2 Contents HEBREW SECTION Introduction 3 The Characteristics of the Kastorean Prayer Book 3 A. Kastorean Beliefs and Opinions 14 1. Practices in the Month of Elul and the Ten Days of Repentance 14 2. On Prayers to Intermediaries 15 3. Messianic Expectations and 'Return to Zion' Movements 15 B. The Influence of the Hispanic Hebrew Poets on Kastorean Prosody 17 C. Linguistic Innovations 18-19 Notes to the Introduction 20 Selections from the Kastorean Poets 20-162 The Uses of Metonymy in Kastorean Poetry 163-170 Index to the Poems 171 Bibliography 172-175 ENGLISH SECTION 1-6 Although there are signs ofJewish life in Bulgaria even in pre-Christian times aswell as inthe laterByzantineand Slavic periods, littleis known about the character of Jewish settlements in this region until the 11th and 12th centuries. It is then that Jewish communities spring up in Sofia, Nicopolis and Silistra and a Jewish writer, Simeon Seti produces a novel in Greek which is translated into Bulgarian under the title Stefanit i Ihrilati. From Kastoria in Macedonia, the strategic hub of the Balkan world, there emerges the leader of the Rabbanite community in Byzantium, Rabbi Tobias b. Eliezer, author of the Midrash Leqal} Tab (written and revised in 1097-1108) on the Pentateuch, and the Jew Leo Mung, a convert to Christianity and later Archbishop of Ochrida and Primate of Bulgaria. The increase of Jewish communities in Bulgaria began in earnest in the Second Bulgarian Empire under the rule of the ambitious Assenide emperors who encouraged Jewish immigration into their country in order to gain a commercial and industrial advantage over their Dalmatian and Aegean rivals. Afurther increase in Bulgaria's Jewish population occurred in the latter half of the 14th century with the arrival of refugees from Hungary and Bavaria after their expulsion from those countries in 1360 and 1376.1 Friction soon developed between the native Jewish settlers, followers of the Romaniote ritual and the newcomers from the north, due, proba bly, to the differing Romaniote marriage and divorce customs, such as theirrefusal to acceptthe decree ofRabbenu Gershomb. Judah ofMainz (11th century) banning the practice of polygamy. To deal with this conflict a special assembly was called in 1376 to reinforce R. Gershom's ban on polygamy and to address the several issues in dispute bythe two parties. It was probably at this time that one Bulgarian Jewish commu nity, the Kastoreans, decided to publish their own prayer-book accord ing to the ritual in use in their synagogues and thereby preserve the special character of their congregational life. A section of this prayer book containing the services for the seventeenth day of Tammuz, the ninth ofAb and the month ofElul has survived inthe Bodleian, Oxford, Ms. # 1168. Kastoria, situated on the Via Egnatia, the old Roman highway linkingDyrrachiumwithConstantinople had a sizeableJewish population during the reign of the Assenides and could boast of at least sixversatile scholars and poets, includingthe aforementioned R. Tobias b. Eliezer; the scribe R. Mordecai b. Shabbetai ha-'Arukh (Makros), (12th-13th centuries); R. Menal).em b. Elia, (12th-13th centuries); R. Elia b. Abraham he-'Aluv, (12th-13th centuries); R. Abraham b. Jacob, (14th century); and R. David b. Eliezer, (14th century), the leader of the 1 Bulgarian Romaniotes in Kastoria and the probable editor of the Kas torean prayer-book.2 The representative selection of liturgical works by Kastorean poets of the 11th through the 14th centuries published in this volume are taken from the prayer-books (ma1)zarim) ofCandia (Crete), Corfu, Kaffa (inthe Crimea), Kastoria and Romania as preserved in the manuscript collec tions and printed editions at the Bodleian, Oxford; the Vatican; and the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York. These liturgical poems are a valuable resource for understanding Jewish life in Macedonia during the First and Second Bulgarian Empires. Kastorean Jews, like their co-religionists in northern Europe and in the western Mediterranean region, followed closely the struggle between the Crusader Christians and the Muslims for control of Palestine and saw in these events a portent of the Messianic redemption. R. Tobias b. Eliezer, a contempo rary ofthe FirstCrusade writes inhis Leqal} Tab (to Exodus 3:20) thathe has "looked searchingly into our divine books and considered the length of our exile" and concludes that in the year 1096 (the year when the First Crusade began), "even as in the days of Egypt He will now show us wonders." R. Menal).em b. Elia laments over Jerusalem in the hands of the Crusaders3 and rejoices at its reconquest by Saladin in 1187.4 It is likely that this turn of events prompted R. Elia to proclaim in one of his poems: "Mounted on an ass he approaches Bringing fresh forces to attack; Fair and ruddy (he is), a paragon among ten thousand . . . The time of redemption has been computed Only a few years remain; Now Edom will be consumed, And (Jacob's) remnant will return again ... The time of exile has elapsed The rod of wickedness is broken For Judah has prevailed ... Behold Captain Michael Alongside Captain Gabriel And between them the redeemer Messiah; Let Jacob rejoice, let Israel be glad."5 Judah al-I:Iarizi records in his Ta1)kemoni (#28, p. 245) that in 1190 following his conquest ofJerusalem, Saladin (Yllsuf Ibn Ayyllb) invited the Jews to settle there since they had beenbarredfrom residence in the city during the Crusader occupation. Saladin's conquest of Tiberias, Hattin, Jerusalem and almost all of Palestine in his campaign of 1187 further intensified Jewish Messianic expectations as well as a yearning to resettle the Holy Land. Solomon Ibn Verga in his Shebet Yehuda (Wienered., p. 113)reports thatintheyear 1211 Rabbisfrom France and England led more than 300 immigrants to Jerusalem where they were 2 warmlyreceived bythe SultanAbu-Bekr AI-Adl, the brother of Saladin. When al-I:Iarizi visited Jerusalem in 1216 he was cheered at the sight of the sizable Jewish settlement there (Tabkemoni, ibid.). Saladin's tolerant policies toward Jewish settlement in Jerusalem are also reflected in a liturgical work by the Kastorean poet R. Elia b. Abraham he-'Aluv in which he urges his congregation to settle in the Holy Land even as he warns them not to rely on the Bulgarian Emperor whom he calls a "splintered reed" that will run into a man's hand and pierce it if he leans upon it, (after Isaiah 36:6). He cautions the skeptics that they will suffer the fate of Moses' spies (after Numbers 13:31) and points to the victory of "Joseph (=YusufibnAyyub=Saladin) who now governs the land" (after Genesis 42:6) and that "only he (Le. not the Crusaders) rules the country and provides for the people" (cf. Genesis, ibid.). The similarity of Saladin's name to that of Joseph son of the Patriarch Jacob, viceroy of Egypt, did not elude the Kastoreans.6 The intensity of the Messianic expectation is also evident in the works of R. Mordecai b. Shabbetai ha-'Arukh who wishes to know the exact date of the Messiah's arrival and of R. David b. Eliezer who is persuaded that the period of the Messiah's "birth pangs" has already begun/ Coupled with this Messianic agitation in Kastorea is a considerable preoccupation with Jewish mysticism, confirming G. Scholem's obser vation that "Kabbalistic contemplation is a kind of individual anticipa tion of eschatological messianism." Beginningwith R. Tobias b. Eliezer (in his seliba, " 'Ehyeh 'asher 'ehyeh") there is the type of speculation associated with the Hekhalot literature and the use of divine names as aids in making the mystical ascent to the celestial throne.8 The theme of prophetic Kabbalism modelled after Abraham Abulafia is the subject of Kastoria's R. Menal}.em b. Elia. In the latter's seliba " 'Aya1J.edkha bemorah," he states that "the attainment of awe-inspiring prophecy is dependent upon the proper articulation (of the letters of the alphabet) byone seeking (to attainthis goal)," evenas he refers to the discipline of placing (in imagination) the permuted and combined letters on the threshold (of the Divine Throne) among the adoring angelic host. The poet then closes with the revealing line: "God hearkens to the supplica tor whose imagination prepares him and who, in his own eyes, consid ers himself as if he did not exist and is about to die." Meditation on the letters of the Hebrew alphabet provided for Abra ham Abulafia the ideal object to aid the soul in becoming free from preoccupation with its natural self and enabled it, in Abulafia's words, "to untie the knots which bind it." The layers of meditation on the alphabet include articulation (mivta), writing (miktav), and thought (ma1J.shav). Byrenouncing his attachmentto the phenomenal world, the individual proceeding on the steps of the mystic ladder is ultimately able, with the aid of meditation on the letters of the Divine Name, to attain prophetic inspiration. In describing the preparations for medita tionand ecstacy, Abulafia, commentingontheverse (inAmos 4:12), "Be prepared for thy God, 0 Israelite," writes: "Make thyself ready to direct 3