Shankh-er Shongshar, Afterlife Everyday: Religious Experience of the Evening Conch and

19 Pages·2017·0.25 MB·English

by  Sukanya Sarbadhikary

religions
Article
Shankh-er Shongshar, Afterlife Everyday: Religious
Experience of the Evening Conch and Goddesses
in Bengali Hindu Homes
SukanyaSarbadhikary
Sociology,PresidencyUniversity,Kolkata700073,India;[email protected]
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(cid:1)(cid:2)(cid:3)(cid:4)(cid:5)(cid:6)(cid:7)
Received: 20December2018;Accepted: 13January2019;Published: 15January2019
Abstract: ThisessaybringstogethercriticalarchetypesofBengaliHinduhome-experience: thesound
oftheeveningshankh(conch),thegoddessLakshmi,andthefemalesnake-deity,Manasa. Itanalyzes
theeverydayphenomenologyofthehome,notsimplythroughtheEuropeancategoryofthe‘domestic’,
butconceptuallymoreelasticvernacularreligiousdiscourseofshongshar,whichmeansbothhomeand
world. Theconchisstudiedasadirectmaterialembodimentofthesacreddomestic. Itsmaterialityand
sound-ontologyevokeareligiousexperiencefusedwiththis-worldlywellbeing(mongol)andafterlife
stillness. Further,(contrary)worshipontologiesofLakshmi,thelife-goddessofmongol,andManasa,
thedeath-and-resuscitationgoddess,arediscussed,andthetwistsoftheseambivalentimaginingsare
showntobeengravedintheconch’sbodyandaudition. Bringinggoddessesandconch-aesthetics
together,shongsharisthuspresentedasareligiouseverydaydwelling,wherethe‘home’and‘world’
areconnectedthroughspiralingexperiencesoflife, death, andresuscitation. Problematizingthe
monolithicideaofthesecularhomeasaprotectingdomainfromtheoutsideworld, Iarguethat
everydayreligiousexperienceoftheBengalidomestic,asespeciallyencounteredandnarratedby
femalehouseholders,essentiallyincludesbothLakshmi/life/fertilityandManasa/death/renunciation.
Exploringtheanalogyofthespiralsofshankhandshongshar,spatialandtemporalexperiencesofthe
sacreddomesticarealsocomplicated. Basedonritualtexts,fieldworkamongLakshmiandManasa
worshippers,conch-collectors,craftsmenandspecialists,andimmersionintheeverydayreligious
world,Iforegroundanewaestheticphenomenologyattheinterfaceofthemetaphysicsofsound,
moralitiesofgoddess-devotions,andtheBengalihome’sexperienceofafterlifeeveryday.
Keywords: Bengalihome;sacreddomesticity;shankh;conch;Lakshmi;Manasa;shongshar
1. Introduction
Samsara is an enigmatic term. Pronounced as shongshar in Bengali, it refers to the general
metaphysicalcycleoflife-as-such, includingabstractandcosmicspace-time, lifeashandeddown
through generations, as well as one’s immediate domestic existence.1 So shongshar is not only an
ontological given: it is critically enacted upon, understood, intended, and managed. So the most
obvioususeoftheBengalitermisshongsharkora,or“doingshongshar”. Inthis,theshongshariperson,
literally,thehouseholder,controlsasliceofabstracttimeandspace,uponwhichshe/heworksand
realizestheexperienceofsamsara. Thissliceisthehome. Thus,thehomeisthespatialcounterpartof
thetemporaleveryday. Thehomemanifestswiththeworld,notapartfromit;dimensionsofcosmic
1 InthetextImostlyusevernacularspellingsasperpronunciation,suchas,shongshar,Lokkhi(forthegoddessLakshmi),
mongol(peace)etc.;andSanskritspellingslikesamsara,Lakshmi,mangaletc.,whenreferringeithertoSanskriticcontextsor
otherpeople’swritings.Also,Iitalicizelokkhi,whenthetermisusedasanadjectivetomeandomesticated,ratherthanasa
propername.
Religions2019,10,53;doi:10.3390/rel10010053 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions
Religions2019,10,53 2of19
spaceandtimearefoldeduponthiseverydayhome,suchthatthehomeisdefinitelynotoutsidethe
cosmicworld,butitalsohasanembodiedindependence,notfullyassimilableinabstractconceptions.
Thus,shonghsharsupersedesboundariesofinside-outside,agency-existence,nowandbefore-after.
This essay, based on in-depth ethnographic research, brings together three sacred archetypes
ofBengalidomesticreligiousexperience,toreimaginetheshongsharinwaysthataddresscontinual
culturalundertones. Thesethreesacralitiesare: (contrary)goddess-universesofLakshmiandManasa,
and the material object, shankha (pronounced as shankh), or conch-shell. The moment when these
sacralitiescoalesceisdusk. UbiquitousinallBengalihomes,irrespectiveofcaste/class,isthedaily
ritualofshondhedewaorperformingeveningrites. Womentietheirhair,cleantheirhomes,watertheir
tulsiplants,performashortpujainthethakurghor(literally,gods’room,referringtothehousehold’s
sanctum), and then blow on the shankh three times in a long, relaxed manner. Blowing the conch
primarilysignifiesthecallinginandexperienceofdomesticmongol(auspiciousness): peace,health,
andfortune. Rightatthatliminalmoment,whendayisslippingintonight,everyBengalihousehold
capturesthatshortspanofduskinembodieddiscourse,whichalthoughshallpass,twirlsthroughthe
conch’sspiralfolds,soundingit,andopeningoutintothenight’sexpanse. Theshankh’ssoundisheavy
andlong,yetalwaysendssuddenly. Itbothremindsofthedaygone,andthenight’sarrival. Riding
preciselyonthisdyadofnostalgiaasareminderofdarkdeathandinvitationasareminderoflife,
arrivetwocriticalgoddessfiguresofBengal: ManasaandLakshmi.
So sacred sound traveling through shankh’s bends and apertures evokes an everyday sonic
experienceinwhichdomesticspaceandtimedonotremainconfinedtothehome’swalls,butnecessarily
flowintoanoutside. Usingthecontoursoftheshankh’smaterialimagination,thispapershallthusalso
problematizestraightforwardnotionsofinteriority: ofhomes,women,andthenation,andarguethat
sensesof‘inside’securitiesareequallyvulnerable,andreligiousexperiencesalsotellusotherstories
ofexpanseandmagnitude. Theexperienceofmongol, whichiscentraltothediscourseofBengali
households,hassubtleoverlapswitheverydayobjectsliketheconchandtheimaginationofgoddesses.
Itaddressesunobviousbutentwinedexperientialaspectslikelife,death,andresuscitation.
So, understanding everyday life and ethics not simply through the European category of the
‘domestic’ (see Chakrabarty 1993, pp. 3–4), but vernacular discourse of shongshar, problematizes
unequivocalnotionsofprivacy,sanctity,andsecuredcomfortsofthehome,affordedbypostcolonial
critique. Shongsharliterallyreferstoboththehomeandthecosmicworld,andsuggestshowthehome
alsodissolves. Theessayworkswithafoldedartefactasanembodimentofshongshar’sinnermost
sanctum,andanalyzesitsmateriallifeasacreasingofopposedethicalreligiousexperiences: lifeand
death,fertilityandabandonment.
Shondhedewa,allwomenIencounteredduringmyfieldwork,agree,isanunspokensummonto
Lakshmi(pronouncedinBengaliasLokkhi),thegoddessofauspiciousness,peace,welfare,andlife
generally. Itisrequestinghertoberesolutelyseatedinthealtar/homeandprotectingitfromthefear
thatisdark.2 Yetduskshallinevitablyslitherintonight,andtheconch-soundshallnecessarilyslip
intoanoceanicoutside. Andlikethecallofdeath,theseaisscarierintheevenings. Thus,ourefforts
(toclingtoday/life)areonlythat,andthereisalsothepulltowardsthegoddessofthedark.
SoBengalishongsharisequallyrespectfulofManasa—queenofathousandsnakes—thegoddess
of death. Evening is when humans don’t see, and snakes are at a privilege ... they feel the touch
of sundown and their hissing reign begins. Like the evening conch, the female snake-goddess
is of typical Bengali specificity, distinct from the worship of male snake-gods and living snakes
(Bhattacharya1965,p. 1;DimockandRamanujan1962,p. 312).3 Thecoiling/uncoilingofthesnakes
is the twisting of the shankh, and thus so many Bengali snake names carry the conch prefix or
2 Lokkhiisimaginedasarestlessdeity,threateningtoleave,implyingthealways-vulnerablestatusofwealthandpeace.
3 AssociationsofsnakeswithdivinefemininitybeganintheMahabharata(DimockandRamanujan1962,p.313),butthe
serpentinegoddessformisfullydevelopedonlyinBengal.
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suffix: Mahashankha,Shankhachur,Shankhanag,Shankhabora,Shankhapalaetc.,andthefamouspuranic
serpent-kingisalsonamed,Shankha.4
The Bengali domestic experience thus finds shelter under both Lokhhi’s feet and the snake’s
hood. Everyevening,throughshankh’sfolds,the“intimateimmensity”(seeBachelard1994)ofthe
Bengali shongshar invites both Lokkhi/Manasa, life/death, and reminisces the time past, and time
to come. Children learn the early trick of listening to sea-waves by holding the conch to the ear.
Indeed,inHinduimaginings,theconchcarriestheprimordialAUMsound,which,likethegoddess
Lakshmiandconch,emanatedfromthefirstchurningoftheocean. Thesea’svastequanimityand
thebuzzingAUMsoundalwaysremindofafterlifestillness,andthattheseashalleventuallytake
awayallbelonging. Yettheconchremainsseatedinthekernelofthehome,thequintessentialdomain
ofattachmentandprotection. Soitisamaterialmodelofcozyinteriority,whosefoldsalsohowever
twirltowardsexpanse. Theconchandgoddessesthuscometogethertodefineshongshar’sreligious
experiencefusedwiththis-worldlywellbeing(mongol)andafterlifequiet.
Thismaterialallegoryechoesinshankha’slinguisticlifeworld. Itsetymologicalbreakupwould
be sham + kha. Sham implying mongol (goodness), and kha (void). So shankha would literally
mean a ‘good void’, the hollow/emptiness which is a moral charter for domesticity. So, while the
metonyms—home/kernel/kitchen/women/nation—aregenerallyintrinsicallyassociatedwithfullness,
containment,andpuresufficiency,ontheideationalbasisthatwomenareessentiallytiedsubjects,
fixedtotheirbodies,duties,andhomes;the‘goodvoid’ideahowevertalksofanecessaryapertureas
well,likethesnake’sslittongue. Itrytosoundthedomesticthroughthatsplit.
ItmaybeobjectedthatothergodsandgoddessestooareworshippedinBengalidomesticaltars,
andthechoiceofLokkhiandManasamayskewtheanalysis. However,therearecriticalrationalesfor
thechoiceofthesegoddessstereotypes. Afemininemodalityofdevotionalaestheticsistheprimary
focusofthisessay’sarguments,andastretchedfieldofimaginationwheregoddessesembodyvery
opposedpolesofmythicthemes,isproductivelyinstrumentalinunfoldingsuchaestheticnuances.
Alsoforinstance,whileLokkhi’sconsortNarayanaisworshippedinthesehouseholds,thegoddessis
muchmorepopular,andconsideredespeciallyproximate,comparedtoamoredistantNarayana. Soa
significantlygreaternumberofdaily,weekly,andannualrituals,offerings,andprayersareassignedto
her. Finally,thereareanumberofsymbolicandexperientialoverlapswhichbindtheuniversesofgods
andgoddesses. Thus,Narayanahimselfholdstheconchinoneofhishands,snakescoilandadorn
Shiva’sneck,andVishnu/Narayanarestsonthefamousserpent,Ananta. Thus,thefieldIexplorein
thisarticleundoubtedlyhasmanypossibleconnectionswithotherdeityworshipdisciplines,buthere
Iprimarilyexploretheexperientialextensionoflifeanddeath,fertilityandabandonment,wovenin
theconch-craftedBengalidomesticitiesofLokkhiandManasa.
ThetiedwomanfitstheLakshmistereotype. Thethakurghor,whichhasnotyetbeenfullyexplored
inliterature,isalsoaquintessentialmarkerofinteriority,peace,andhealth. Butthroughimaginaries
whichincludeLakshmi, butalsoManasa, andtheconch, Iproblematizetheexperienceoffertility
in Bengal, and ask, whether an openness to death/renunciation/freedom complicates questions of
femininity,home,andthenation. Innersanctumsarealsocalledgarbhagriha,literally,womb-room.
Thistermistelling,sincetheroomnests,whilethewombalsoopensup(togivebirth). Thesacred
conch-foldsaddressthisveryexperientialdyadofinsidenessandinfinity.
IntracingtheworkingsoftheBengalihome’sreligiousexperience,Iengagewithethnographic
insightsamongconch-collectorsandcraftsmenofdifferenttraditionalshankhsites,priestsanddevotees
ofLakshmiandManasa,andotherritual,textualandartifactmaterialofBengal. AlthoughManasa
worshipisdefinitelymorepopularamonglowercastesandclassesofbothwestandeastBengalis,
otherclassesofpeoplestillworshipher(Bhattacharya1965,p. 5). Lokkhitooisworshippedbypeople
4 TherearemanySouthAsiansnake-conchstories,includinghowtheNorthIndiansnakegod,NagaDevata,creptoutofa
sage’sconch.
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cross-caste/class. Lokkhi primarily represents qualities of restoration and health, and Manasa, of
(curefrom)disease,crisis,rupture,anddisaster. AttheoutsetitseemsthatLokkhiandhermodelof
domesticityaremorerelatabletoallsectionsofsociety,fortheirmild,purequalities. Soevenwhena
lower-caste/classhouseholdworshipsManasa,sherepresentstothemLokkhi-likeaspects. Butwhile
inherdomesticatedformManasaisLokkhi,hervenomouspassionalsothreatensthehome.5
Whilethetwogoddessessharequalities,Iarguethattheyprimarilyhoweverrepresentopposite
dimensions, which all different classes of people identify with. My ethnography suggests that
in households which worship Lokkhi, narratives of family jointness, nuclearity, working women,
housewivesareallwoventogetherthroughexperiencesofwellbeingandpeace;whileinthosewhich
worshipManasa,experiencesoffear,death,andniyoti(fate)oftendominate. Throughsuchaclass/caste
entangledgroup,tiednarrativesoffertility,purity,death,andscare,andtheconch’ssound-world,
IhopetointuitsomecommonBengaliHinduunderstandingsoftheexperienceofhome/shongshar.
2. EntwinedEveryday
Theembroilingofthegoddessofpurity,goddessofpoison,object-worldofshankh,home,dusk,
andtheworld,tookefforttorecognize. ConnectedvignettesoftheBengalieverydaypointtothese
entangledreligiousexperiences.
Fertilityisonesuchentanglingmeta-thematic. Marriedwomenwearredborderedsaris,redpaint
(alta)onthefeet,vermillion(sindur),white,red,andiron(sh(n)akha,pola,andloha)bangles,andfor
those who can afford, a lot of gold ornaments. Red is the color of fertile abundance, sh(n)akha
madeofconch-dust,asymboloflushpurity,iron,of(matrimonial)protection,andgold,ofwealth.
Such a woman is literally called Lokkhi, an everyday mortal embodiment of Vishnu’s consort.
The deity-couple, Vishnu-Lakshmi, is associated with samsaric preservation, symbolized also in
Vishnu’sconch,thepanchajanya; andLakshmi’svahana(mount),theowl,isalsoseatedonaconch.
Theheavensandthemundanethusmeetintherestorativehome,inLokkhi’sfertilefigure. Every
home-altarhasamongol-ghot,apotfullofwater,whichsignifiesshongshar’sfullness: bountifulgrainsin
thekitchenandtheLokkhiwife’splentifulwomb. Thursdays(andallfull-moonnights)areconsidered
auspiciousforLokkhi’sworship,whenherpanchali,aritualode,issung.
ButtheghotisalsoManasa’semblem. AllthroughBengal’srainymonths(Ashadh,Sravan,Bhadra),
theultimatesignoftropicalfertility,snakesthrive,andsodoesManasa’sworship. Astapleshrineinrural
Bengalihomesisdedicatedtoher(thesijtree,whichcancurepoison). Bengalismostsnake-infested,
has innumerable references to them in songs, novels, myths, rhymes, and practices, and villagers,
out of fear, do not even name the snake after sundown. Similarly, Manasa is a most popular deity,
andfolknarrativesandscroll-paintingsaboutherpersonality,feats,andworshipareabundant(see
R.Chatterjee2000,pp. 9–12). BengalisgrowupwiththeideathattheManasaMangalkavyadocuments
detailsofManasa’slife. Ofthesenarratives,themostcelebratedistheManasa–Behulatryst.6
Manasahadanintenselysadlifeintheheavens. ShewasbornofShiva’sspermwhenheejaculated
imaginingParvati. Sheshareshissovereigntyoverallsnakesandpoison. Shiva’sseedtrickledtothe
underworldintersticesonalotusleaf,wheresnakestookcareofit,andManasatookform. Manasa
thusembodiesdivinepleasuresgoneastray. Sheisbeautiful,sexuallyirresistible,andmanipulative
ononehand,andkind-naturedontheother. Sheisthusbothinsurmountableandbelievabletoher
devotees. She is never able to develop strong bonds of the home. Her step-mother, Shiva’s wife,
Chandi, isjealousofherandsosheisdesertedbyherfather. Herhusbandalsoleavesheronthe
weddingnight. However,shehascompletetriumphoverbothlifeanddeathofBengal’spopulations.
5 SoItheorizebeyondtheeducatedmiddleclassesthatChakrabarty(1993)andSarkar(2001)werereferringtoinunderstandings
ofBengalidomesticity. Unlessweinvolvedifferentclassesandfaith-worldsoftheManasa/Lokkhipujas, wecannot
problematizemonolithicunderstandingsofthehomeorhome–Lakshmi(Chakrabarty1993).Seealso(Ganesh1990).
6 FordetailsofManasa’sstory,see(Haq2015).Scholarsdebateaboutrelationsamongfolkliterature,Sanskritpuranas,and
Mahabharata,inthetellingsaboutManasa(seeChatterji2014,pp.1–4;Clark1955,pp.511–12,516;Doniger2015,pp.1–28).
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Only,theShiva-worshipper,merchant,Chand,refusestoworshipher. Shedestroysallhisshipsand
riches,killshissixsons,andthenaseventh,Lakhindar.
HereinbecomesimportantthefigureofBehula,Lakhindar’swife,whothroughsheerdedication
toherhusbandandManasa,undertakesthemostarduousjourneywithLakhindar’sdeadbodyacross
riverineBengal,travelstotheheavens,praystoManasa,andbringsLakhindarbacktolife. Behula,
theperfectwife/devotee,forbearance,thejourneyacrossrivers,andresuscitation,havebecomemost
powerfularchetypesofBengalimaritalimagination. Lakhindarwasbittenbykalnagini, thesnake
oftime/death(kal). Thisdeathwasforetold,andthushisfather,Chand,hadbuiltanironroomfor
thenew-wedcouple. ButbyManasa’sorders,asmallholewasmadeonawallbytheblacksmith,
forkalnaginitoenter. AsamythicalenactmentofempathywithBehula,Bengaliwivestraditionallystay
upwiththeirhusbandsonthefirstnightofmarriage,literallyknownaskalratri,orthepossiblenightof
death,andwearironbangles,assignsof(Behula’s)immortalmarriage(seealsoFruzzetti1990,p. 157).
Evidently,ambivalencescharacterizetheseexperiences. BehulaisthereminderofLokkhi’smorality.
However, Bengal has an equally powerful oppositional archetype, A-lokkhi, who is disorganized,
unrestful,andasymbolofimpendingpoverty,disease,disaster,anddeath. So,asLakhindar’s/Behula’s
enemy,ManasasymbolizesA-lokkhi. ButBehulaisherdevotee,anditisManasa’ssnakelikepowers
ofregenerationagain,whicheventuallybringLakhindartolife. SoManasaisalsoworshippedby
barrenwomentosecurechildren,curediseases,andreturnlife. Eveninherconstantdeath-reminders,
ManasaisalsoexperiencedasLokkhi.
Thus,everydaybeliefs,rituals,andobjectsofshongsharembodyrepresentationsofLokkhi/Manasa,
day/night,life/death,andattachment/detachment. MyinformantsrecountedthatManasa’shusband,
the sage Jaratkaru, did not wish to marry, but had to, due to foretold fate. Thus, there was divine
interventionintheformofsandhyadevi(goddessofdusk),whoappearedmuchearlierthanusualoneday.
Itisaritualamongauspicious/Lokkhiwomentowakeeveryonebeforedusktoavoidomongol/okolyan
(impurity),andthusManasawokehimup. Butsandhyadeviimmediatelyvanished,thesunreappeared,
Jaratkaruwasangry,anddesertedhisA-lokkhiwife. SoManasatriedtobeLokkhi,butwasfooledby
theevening. Sheisthusforeverenragedbythedusk,takesonherangriestavatarthen,andravishesin
killings. Shehenceforthestablishedherpowersoverthegoddessofdusk,andthegodofsleep/death,
Yama,suchthatwhensnakesstrike,theyaresilent(likesleep)andputotherstosleep.
Butthisdreadfulsnake-goddesscanreturnlife,justasshecankill. Sheisthemostdangerous
combinationoferosandpoison. Shemaintainsrightsoverherdeadbodies,thesnake-bittencorpses,
who in Bengal, are not burned like ordinary Hindus, but floated in the river, in the hope that she
mayrevivethem. Manasa’shusbanddesertsher,hersexualpowersremainconcentrated,andget
activatedincompletecontroloverdeathand(re)birth. UnlikeLokkhi’s/Behula’s,herhusbanddoesnot
stay/return. Manasacanneitherbeimaginedasanimmaculatevirgin,norasdomesticated. Shestands
alone (yet) as a sexualized being. The term used for her in panchalis and ritual texts, is shoirindhri
(Dvija and Shastri n.d., p. 7). It carries connotations of living in another’s home, and solitariness.
AllthesegoddessstoriesevokepowerfulideasabouthowBengaliwomenexperiencefemininityand
domesticityasbothsecuredandvulnerable,sitesofbothfearandhope.
Duskremainsacriticaltimeforbothgoddesses: oneneedstobeinviteddesperatelytoward
off the other’s dangers. This is also the time to return home, the all-important abode of rest and
regeneration. InBengaliimaginings,longflowingnight-likeblackhairisawoman’sadornment,butit
isalsothemarkofunrestrainedlustanddeath. So,lokkhiwomentietheirsnakelikehairintobuns
beforetheeveningritual. Buttheconch’sswirlsremainmysterious.
Shankha is one of Vishnu’s central symbols and a critical sacred object in the puranas and
Mahabharata. Apartfromitsreligioussignificance,andtherapeuticusagesinayurvedaandyoga,
itisaninsistentmetaphoroffertilefemininitythroughlinkswithotherwatersymbolslikethesnake.
ThemostcommonkindofshankhkeptinBengalihomesisLokkhishankh,thesymbolofpureorder.
However,apartfromideasofLokkhi’srestorativeconch,oneofManasa’seightmajorsnakesisalso
shankhanaga,sinceManasatoohaspowersoverthecoiledconch.
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The sensory life of this artifact also tells a similar ambivalent tale about domestic religious
experience. Visually, its inward coils remind of the invitation (ahoban) to Lokkhi to come home,
whileitsoutward-boundsoundopensouttothedarkexpanseofthenighttimesea. Thistwirling
ofrememberingandforgettingseatsthedepthsoftimeintheconch-space;itsconcentricityweaves
throughahopefulLokkhiandfearedManasa.
Metonymicconnectionsamongtheconch,snakes,andhomeareamplyevidentinSouthAsian
discourse. Theancienttext,ManasaraVastushastra,studiesthescienceofarchitecture/inhabitation
(vastu) of any construction: from a bird’s nest to a palace. Following minute measurements and
astrologicalprinciples,everyaspectofthe‘inside’isplanned,includingthedeities’/Lakshmi’saltar.
Snakesarecriticaldesignthematicstherein(P.K.Acharya1942). Naagchakras,orcoiledserpentine
motifs,arealsoimportantinthe1969vastutext,VishvakarmaDarpan(Sachdev2005,p. 167). Similarly,
duringtheSravanmonthManasapuja,alongsideeveningreadingsofManasatalesbeforegroupsof
women,acriticalobjectoffolk-art,karandi: modelofasmallhouse,ismade,withdrawings(alipana)of
serpentsonit. ThisisworshippedwiththeManasaidol,andsometimesinitsplace(Bhattacharya1965,
p. 6). Sothekarandiisrepresentativeofthehome/Manasa/snakes,whicharemetaphoricsubstitutes.
Snakesasguardiansofhomesandancestraltreasures(vastu-shaap)alsofeatureinlongstanding
fables. Theterm‘vastu’,generallyglossedashouse,issignificant. Shulman(1978),inhisanalysisof
aTiruvaruranthillmyth,talksabouttheanthill’srelationswiththenetherworld,snakes,andvastu.
The anthill, or god’s home, leads to the underworld of the dead and snakes. This anthill is also
the site of the end of cosmic sacrifice. The term thus literally means remainder (of the sacrifice).
So, if shongshar’s everyday religious experience is a sacrifice to the divine altar, then what stays,
theresidue/habitat/residentisthehome. Thevastuiswhatremains,andalsoopenstotheafter-world:
thelivedshongsharofdomesticityandthecosmicsamsara.
Similartothetemporalityoftheconch-artifact,vastu,orremain,isthusalsoaboutanostalgicpast,
whichremains(inthearchitectureandexperienceofthehomeandmind). Snakeshavebeenimportant
metaphorsofancestry,antiquity,andprimevalism(seeWake1873);anditisthusinnotionsofboththe
spatial(home)andtemporal(remain)depththattheideaofshongsharoperates.
SoIarguethatinunderstandingsoftheBengalidomestic(religious)experience,weneedtogo
beyondsecular-historicisttropesofpostcolonialliterature(seeChakrabarty1993). K.Chatterjee(2008)
uses18thcenturyMangalkavyanarratives,includingtheManasa-mangal,toarguethatpremodern
culturesalsohadtangibleimperativesinsensesofhistory, oritihasa. Solineartemporalityhereis
beingextendedtotheprecolonial. ButIarguethatdomesticexperience, asespeciallyunderstood
throughconchpassagesandgoddessstories,offersitsownsensesofsacredtime,whichgobeyond
pre-/post-colonialparadigms. Theconch-prismisanallegory: withitsholeandswirlsrefractinglight
andsoundtootherspacesandtimes.
Everyday,afterall,isatemporalcategory. Itexceeds;hasalifebeyondhistoricity. Thegoddess
ofdeathandBehula’sriverinestrugglewithherareetchedintheBengalieverydaydomesticethic.
So“TheBengalipastitselfcombineswithdeathintheimageofadarkdepthfromwheretherivers,
nowconstitutingsomekindofprimevalpast,sendforththeirprimevalcall. Thatcalldoesnotbelong
to the past. It comes from a future that at the same time is a return” (Chakrabarty 2004, p. 681).
Theconch’scoilsalsospeakaboutthissacredtemporalexperience.
3. TwistsoftheConch,FoldsoftheHome
Theconchisthematerialmodelofdepth-aperture,interiority-expansion,hearth-vastness,and
past-futuredimensions. IarguethatinthecontextofBengalidomesticreligiousexperience,itssensory
worldembodiesbothfertilityandrenunciation,LokkhiandManasa.
Thekhaofshankhacarriesthesubtlestmessage. AnandaK.Coomaraswamyexplainsthatitisthe
directmetaphorictranslationofemptyspace. Itmeanscavitygenerally,andthenaveofawheel,inthe
RigVeda(Coomaraswamy1934,p. 487). Mathematically,itrepresentszero,withconnotationsofboth
fullnessandvoid(ibid,p. 493). Thiszeroisnotanorigin,butapotentiality: infinityofconcentric
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movements (ibid, p. 490). In this, its cognate term is Ananta, end-less, which is also the puranic
serpent(ibid,p. 491). Khaalsocorrelateswithnabha/nabhi,thenavel(ibid,p. 487). Thisalludesto
thepotential/expansivespatialityofthehumanbody,initsnavelandheart-space(ibid,p. 490,493).
Sotheconch-opening(kha)signifiesbothcorporealanddomesticfullness,andsimultaneousemptiness;
both plenum and void, security and openness. The experience of shankh’s ontology is therefore
distinctfromthephenomenologyofroundness,theorizedbyGastonBachelard(1994,pp.232–41).
Theconch-vesselisnotfullyinterior,butrather,spiralstowardsexpanse.
Everydayexperiencesoftheshankhnarratesimilarsensesofbodyandspace.
ThelowercasteBengalicommunitywhocollectconchesfromthesea,workascraftsmenonits
surface,sellconchesandconch-products,andplayacriticalroleinmarriagesbyputtingonthewhite
banglemadeofconch-dustonwomen’swrists,arecalledshankharis.7 Ashankhariexplainedthatonly
theircastecanmakethebrideweartheconch-banglesinceitisfragileandneedshandlingexpertize.
Thus,despitebeingalow-castepersontheshankharitouchesthebrideirrespectiveofhercaste,andas
amarkofrespect,inadditiontogivinghimhisremuneration,thebridetoucheshisfeet. Inthis,he
said,theircasteishigherthanBrahmins. ThismaritalsymbolofLokkhi,assertsfolklore,wasfirst
put on Parvati by Shiva, disguised as a shankhari (Fruzzetti 1990, pp. 69–70). Similarly, the caste
whichmakesironbanglesformarriedwomen,claimtobedescendentsoftheblacksmithwhomade
Behula-Lakhindar’smarriagequarter(Fruzzetti1990,p. 158). Soallsymbolsofmaritalfortification
aresimultaneoussymbolsofLokkhi/Manasa/conches.
Shankharisandconch-usersrelatetotheshankh’sanatomythroughvariousideasandpractices
concerningitsinteriors. Liketheinsidesofthesea,conch-interiorsareconsideredinnatelysacred,
anddevoteesadorntheirentirephysicalandspiritualselvesandhomesbyusingitsinternalparts: in
ayurveda,soundyoga,astrology,andfertilityrites. Theshankh’ssacralityisassertedbypeopleinterms
ofdebatesonitsdepthfulnaturalnessandritualvalue. Theseideasalsoconnecttheconchtothevastu:
snakes/homes/women.
Through my work with shankharis I realized that there are three main uses of the conch:
nutritional/ayurvedic,sinceconchdustissoldfortreatmentofstomachandskindiseases,fertility
problems, and as fish food; in worship rituals; and in marriage rites. In ritual contexts, there are
two main conch types: jol-shankh: ones which are used to store Ganga water and not sounded,
andbadyo-shankh: thosewithslitmouthsforsounding. Allthreeusesrelatetothedomesticexperience
ofmongol: fertility, peace, longevity, andwellbeing. Thepuranasalsotalkaboutthelinksofconch
withfame,wealth,lifeononehand;andtheprimordialmeditativecalmembodiedinBuddha’snavel,
ontheother. Simplyblowingontheconchisconsideredtherapeutic,sinceitinvolvesasophisticated
exerciseofbreath-control. Throughtheinhaling-exhalingrhythmexperience,themouth,breath-cavity,
andbody-interiorbecomesonicextensionsofthetwirledconch.
Itispopularlyalsobelievedthatsoundingtheconchduringfloodsorcycloneshealthem. Thisis
basedontheSouthAsianhomoeopathiclogicthatsamecuressame,asforsnakes/Manasa,poison
curespoison.
Notionsofnaturalnessandoriginalityarevitalwithrespecttoconches. Allshankharistoldmethat
anoriginalshankh(andeventhesh(n)akhawhichawomanwears)isneverperfectlyround,andevery
conch is distinct. Although craftsmen work on conch-surfaces and make designs, they assert that
theshankhisanaturalsacredobject, andashumans, theyarealwayslessthantheentity; theyare
subordinatetotheir‘creation’. Theyrecraftitonlyminimally,sotheydon’ttamperwithitsnaturalness.
Therearetwosignificantworshipconches. ThehomochoriLakshmishankhisdecoratedwithsindur
andworshipped. Itisthemostcommonkindofshankh,andrepresentseverythingthegoddessstands
for. Soshankharisexplainedthatpeoplebuythemto“keepLokkhiathome”: toincreasewealth,andfight
7 Iworkedwithshankharicommunitiesinimportantcentresofconch-workandsaleinandaroundKolkata: inKalighat,
Bagbazar,andBarrackpore.
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a-shanti(unrest). Inadditiontorhetoricsofwealthandpeace,therareconchvariety,Dakshinashankhor
Narayanshankh,withtherightsidedfold,isalsoworshippedforthreedaysbypeoplewhowantto
getmarried,orhavechildren. Ashankharisaidaptly,“Itisofshongshar’suse.”‘Use’surelyrefersto
thepotentideaoffertility. NarayanShankhisconsideredtobeofgreatersacredvaluethanLakshmi
Shankh, and thus shankharis, to respect its naturalness, do not slit its mouth. So this shankh is not
sounded,butonlyadornsdomesticaltars.
Givenideasofnature,fertility,andwealth,Iaskedshankhariswhatmaybedefinedasashankh.
Ireceivedtwodistinctresponses. Onewasthatashankhmustbeusedinpuja,andtomakeawoman’s
sh(n)akha. Ashankharisaid,“Noexpensivejewelleryshallsuffice,unlesstheshankhissoundedandthe
bridewearsash(n)akha.”Inthisexplanation,onlythatwhichcanbeusedforsanctifyingthe(fertile)
homeandwomanisashankh. Otherconches,forinstance,octopus-likeoneswhichshankharisbuy
fromtheAndamans,orbatishankh,dishyashankhetc.,whicharedecorativeandcannotbecut,arenot
consideredsacred. Inanotheropinionhowever,thesetooshouldbeconsideredasshankh,sincethey
arenatural. Inthisview,theconch’ssacralityrestswiththeobject’snaturalness,notritualvalue.
Thesedistinctrepresentationsstemhoweverfromsimilarexperiencesofconch-depth. Montagu
alsosaysaboutCentralAmericanconch-potterycraftsmenthattheyhavepersistentrelationswith
conch-depths, canals, air-paths, and are “intoxicated by the exuberance of their own virtuosity”
(Montagu1981,p. 276). Bengalicraftsmen’srelationswithconch-interiorsbeginwithintuitionsabout
howmanyfoldsthereareinsideit. Thetermstheyusearepyanch/g(n)it,literally,coil/knot. Somesay
therearetwo-and-a-halffolds,somethree,somethree-and-a-half. Thepyanchisaninterestingproblem,
sinceitcanonlybeintuited: whenintact,theinsideisinvisible,onceopenedup,thefoldsdisappear.
Thereareapproximatelythreefaintsurfacefold-lines,withwhichshankharismakesenseoftheinside.
Correctnessaboutthefold-numberisnotimportant. Rather,itissignificantthattherearesensesofthe
intenseinside,fullofpotential,whichshankharissay,mustbeexperiencedfullyinthehome-interiors
andwomen’sbodies.
Forinstance,shankharisidentifytheconch’snavel,b(n)ajorshankh-nabhi,alittleflatportion,which
ishungonchildren’sbodiestotreatstomachillnessesandwardoffevil—similartoManasa-fortified
ironbangles. Childrenalsowearconch-endpieces(padak)forsixmonthsafterbirth(Fruzzetti1990,
p.157). InruralBengal,thed(n)arashsnakecoilsaroundcows’feetandsucksalltheirmilk. Villagers
saythatcowscannotmilkafterthat. So,anotherconch-portion,chali,istiedoncows’neckstoensure
fertility. Heretoo,wefindhomoeopathicideasofcuring(snake)-poisonwith(conch-)poison. Another
portion,g(n)at,isusedtomakeamuletsforpeople’smongol.
One may ask whether the shankh has sacred value because it has a useful depth, or it is put
to use because it is naturally/ritually valuable. Either way, it is significant that its sacred depth is
recognized,andreinteriorized(inbody-homes)throughnotionsofmongolexperience. Iarguehowever,
that although shankh’s obvious discursive connections are with Lokkhi, in the phenomenology of
shongshar,italsocarriesothermeanings.
Shankharissaythattheconch’sbodyisVishnu’sembodimentunderthewaters. Whenitisbrought
outfromitshabitat,itloseslife,andemitsasmell. Ashankhariusedadomesticmetaphorandsaid,
“Whenyoubreakitshome, itlosesitspower.”Butthishomeisnotbroken. Throughestablishing
relationswithitssacredinterior,thedwellingistransposedfromthesea-abodetoothersacredspaces:
thealtarandthefertilebody. Inthat,itreinvigoratestheirlife-givingqualities. Butwhensounded
everydusk,itsinteriorechospurtsoutofitsshell,travelsthrougheverynook,cornerandinterstice
ofthehome,andnecessarilyescapesintotheoutside. Itssonicuniverseapproximatestheprofound
oceanicgush(ofdepth,death,andrenunciation),andthehomeopensouttotheseaagain. Inbringing
theshankhhome,webringnatureintothedomestic,butsimultaneouslyremindourselves(also)of
nature’sinnatefreedomasopposedtoshongshar’sbondage. Sofreedom’snaturalstatedieswhen
broughttotheworld,buttherenunciatespirit,throughtheconch’sprimordialsound,stillpermeates
shongshar’sreligiousexperience.
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Montagusaysthatconch-acousticsiscomplex,andlittlestudied(Montagu1981,p. 274). Following
logics of sensory sympathy, there is always phenomenological similitude between the perceiving
organandtheperceivedobject. Likewise,onecanpositanintrinsicrelationamongtheear,conch,
andshongshar. Also,etymologically,samsara/shongsharreferstoacircularityofbeing,butonewhichis
notaperfectcircle,andrepeatswithadifference. Liketheconch,itisaspiral. Thehearingpartofthe
ear,thecochlea,orinnerear,issimilarlyshapedlikeacoil,anditsGreekrootliterallymeansaspiral,
snailshell. Thecochleaismadeofhalf-water,half-air;thatis,itishalf-full,half-empty. Airpassing
throughitcauses(sonic)wavesinthewater,andwecanhearandmaintainbalance. Thisempty,kha,
intheear/conch,isthusessentialforthegenerationofsound-experience. Iarguethatthisemptyalso
bringstheconch/earinsympatheticproximitywithshongshar,thedomesticexperience. Shongshar’s
openingisconstitutiveofitseverydayperformance;essentialtoitsexperienceoffullnessandwellbeing
isthesimultaneoussenseofrelinquishment.
In a scientific reading, Shaw argues about wave-sounds that we hear in the conch: that they
areproducedby“successivereverberationsofexternalsoundsagainsttheinteriorsideoftheconch”
(Shaw1875,p. 69). Whatwehearwhenweplacetheconchontheear,itselfcoiledwithairpassagelike
theconch,isonlyanecho,areturn. Thesoundreturnsfromshonghshartoshankh. Ratherthantheconch
itselfholdingthesound,ifthereisno‘noise’inshongshar,theconchwillnotsound. So,conch-layers
are(like)foldsofeverydaylife: onlywhenthereislife,isrenunciationheard. Fullnessandemptiness,
orderandexcess,necessarilyfulfilleachother. Bykeepingtheconchinthehouse,wedonotinvite
renunciatepossibilities;ratherinhearingtheseainitsshadedinteriors,thehouseholderexperiences
infinitude,resurrection,andgenesiswithindomesticity.
Therearethuscontrarymodesofphenomenologicalargument: thattheconch’sbodymanifests
bothfertilityandrenunciation(LokkhiandManasa),andthedomesticismodeledafterthismateriality.
Alternatively,theconchsoundstheexternalworld,orisarepresentationofitsexperientialpossibilities.
Eitherway,wereachananalyticofthedomesticreligiousexperiencewhichtwirlsthroughadepthful
closureoflife,andpossibleapertureofescape.
Foldsoftheconch/homeentailideasofcontinuousregeneration,too. Inthis,linksofconches,
snakesanddomesticitybecomesignificantagain. InSouthAsianimagination,thesnake’ssheddingoff
skinandgainingnewlifeistypicallysymptomaticofitspowersofimmortalityandhealing. Thesnake
can move as it wants to, curl, put off old age, regain youth, increase strength, and even, consume
itself (Wake 1873, p. 380). So Shulman says, “ ... it is surely no accident that a serpent has come,
asAdisesa,toembodytheideaoftheremainder... Theserpentemergesfromhisownagedskin;
heistheremainderofhimself,anequivalentofthedangerous,fiery,yetfertileandproductiveseed.
Theserpentisthevastu; itis,therefore,notsurprisingthattheVastupurusabecomesaVastunaga”
(Shulman1978,p. 124).
In Bengal, poisonous snakes are burnt when they die, since otherwise it is believed that they
canbereborn. However,vastu-shaaps,oneswhichliveinhomes,areneverkilled,sincelikeLokkhi’s
altar, they are considered as the domestic kernel. Killing them would destroy the home and all
fertility. EquallypowerfulBengalilorestalkaboutdeadsnakesbeingexchangedforhealthandwealth;
andsnakesandgoddessesappearingonthehearthtoblessthehouseholdwithunlimitedgrains. Like
conch-dustwhichisusedtotreatillnesses,inManasapuja,earthernsnakesaremade,whicharekept
at home even after the puja, since dried snake-earth is considered therapeutic (Bhattacharya 1965,
pp.5–6). Matingistheperfectregenerativesign,andinruralBengal,snakes’mating-actisconsidered
auspicious,andliterallyknownas‘shankhlaga’: joiningofconches.
4. LokkhiPujo: MongolandRehabilitation
ThegoddessLokkhi,andwomenwhoembodyherqualitiesinthehome,literallyreferredtoas
Lokkhimeye(theidealgirl)orbou(wife/bride),areresponsibleforshongshar’smongol: purity,health,
andwellbeing(Fruzzetti1990,p. 123). Inthiscontext,thetermlokkhicharaisasignificantethicalcharter,
meaningwithout–Lokkhi,orabandonedbyLokkhi. Thewomanwhodoesnotembodythegoddess’s
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qualitiesislokkhichara,andshallbelokkhichara,thatis,withoutwealth/peace. Soonehastobeacertain
waytoattainacertainstate;anethicalpresentdeterminesadomestic/cosmicfuture.8
AcriticalwaytounderstandtheLokkhi-domesticityexperienceandethicisbyreadingpanchalis.9
Panchalisare“Pre-Britishfolkliterature”(Chakrabarty1993,p. 8)describingthegoddess’squalities,
mantras, and efficacy of worship (see also Mohanty 2008, p. 6; Rhodes 2010, p. 8). These texts
dedicatedtoalltwelvemonthsofherworship,aremostpopulardevotionalmanualsinBengalihomes,
andmarriedwomenreadthemeveryThursday,andonfullmoonevenings.
TherearegeneralguidelinesforLokkhi’sworship. Sheisacollecteddeity,anddislikesrestless
bell-sounds; but shankh-dhvani (conch-echo) is indispensable, since it is the definitive mongol sign.
Theconchisspeciallyworshippedduringherpuja, alsoasasymbolofKuvera, thegodofwealth
(Paranavitana1955,p. 125). AfterLokkhi’spuja,womentakefood-grainsintheirhands,andlistento
thepanchalis’brotokotha(worship-tales). Heridolisnotimmersedunlikeothergoddesses’,sinceher
leavingthehomeisconsideredinauspicious.
Inthepanchali,theThursdaypujaexperienceisdescribedasveryclingytowardsthegoddess:
requestinghertobeochola(resolutelyseatedinthehome),notnidoya(heartless)orchonchol(restless),
thedevoteepromisingtoserveherfeet-shadow(padachaya),andlingeraroundher. Lokkhi’sinvitation
isnotonlytothehome(aloy),butalsoothermetonymicinteriordomains: thealtar(thakurghor),worship
pot(ghot),kitchen-grains(dhan),anddevotee’sheart(hridoy). Suchaninward-lookingnarrativeaims
toensureLokkhi’smongolboons,herrestivenessassociatedwiththehome’sessentialvulnerability.
Thisisequallytruefortherich. Thus,therearepanchali-storiesaboutproudtraderslosingtheirassets,
andregainingthemonlyafterLokkhi’sworship. Onecannotbeindifferent(obohela)towardsLokkhi,
andalotofcareisneededtokeepher. This‘care’centrallydefinesthereligiousexperienceofshongshar.
MostpanchalistoriesconveythatLokkhireversespeople’spovertyanddisharmony,themain
causes of dukkho (unhappiness); and blesses with good marriage, wealth, and sons. Also, during
marriages,everyperson(especiallythewoman)“becomesadeity”(Harman1987,p. 171),andembodies
thesamequalities.10 Thedomesticethicaluniverseisintriguing,suchthat,devoteesmayevenbe
allowedselfishnessandconnivance,ifforthesakeofthehome;andthegoddessmayevenstandinfor
thehomemaker. So(inaparticularmonth’spanchalistory)whenLokkhipromisestotakecareofa
woman’shouseholdduringherabsence,shedecidestocommitsuicide,sothatherhomeisblessed
infinitely. Inanother,awomanisthegoddess’embodiment,othersarejealousofher,desertherinthe
forest,disasterfallsuponthefamily’ssevenbrothers,andsheiseventuallyreinstatedtobringback
peace. Similarly,mothersandsonsareblessedthroughpeasantry,andtheimportanceofbountiful
grainsisevidentrepeatedly,forinstance,intheautumnalritualofkhetro-broto(field-rituals),andthere
areevennarrativeinstancesofgrainstransformingtogold.
DiscursiverelationswithManasaarealsoclear: inastory,Lokkhidrownsaproudman’sseven
ships(likeManasa),andlaterreturnsthem. Inthestoryofadeadsnakerestoringaking’shealthanda
poorman’swealth,thesenseisthatdeath/disaster/ManasacanbetamedbyLokkhi’sauspiciousness.
Inanothertale,apoorwoman,unabletofeedherchildren,triestocookadeadsnake,whichturnsinto
Lokkhionthepan. Inthereversemood,apopularbeliefisthatunlesscorrectritesarefollowedduring
Bengal’scookingfestival(rannapujo),whenManasaisworshipped,asnakeappearsonthepan(rather
thanthegoddess),andthatsignifiestheendofhome-fertility.
My interactions with different classes of Bengali women revealed that these textual (panchali)
thematicsremaindistilledintheirreligiousexperienceofshongshar. Eitherthroughdirectreading,
or through the vibrant oral culture of listening to these panchalis, women are aware of the stories,
and fashion and make sense of their lives, ethics, and experiences in terms of the narrative codes
8 Forasuccinctethnographicanalysisofconstructionsoffeminineethicsandthemakingofwomen’svirtuosity,whichcombine
classicalHinduidiomswithfolkstoriesandrituals(bratas)inBengal,see(McDaniel2003).
9 Seeforinstance,(A.Acharyan.d.;Basakn.d.;Chakrabartin.d.).
10 Significantly,Manasa,didnothaveasuccessfulmarriage,andisconsideredessentiallyfearsome.