Science, Technology & Society in the Time of Alfred Nobel. Nobel Symposium 52 Held at Björkborn, Karlskoga, Sweden, 17–22 August 1981

423 Pages·1982·6.568 MB·English

by  Carl Gustaf Bernhard, E. Crawford and P. Sörbom (Eds.)

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SCIENCE
TECHNOLOGY
AND
SOCIETY
IN THE TIME OF
ALFRED
NOBEL
NOBEL SYMPOSIUM 52
HELD AT
BJORKBORN, KARLSKOGA, SWEDEN
17-22 AUGUST 1981
EDITORS
CARL GUSTAF BERNHARD
ELISABETH CRAWFORD
PERSORBOM
TECHNICAL EDITOR
ELISABETH HESELTINE
PUBLISHED FOR
THE NOBEL FOUNDATION
BY
PERGAMON PRESS
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First edition 1982
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Main entry under title:
Science, technology, and society in the time of
Alfred Nobel.
Includes index.
1. Science —History —Congresses.
2. Technology —History —Congresses.
3. Science —Social aspects —History— Congresses
4. Technology —Social aspects —History—
Congresses. 5. Nobel, Alfred Bernhard, 1833-
1896. I. Bernhard, Carl Gustaf. II. Crawford,
Elisabeth T. III. Sorbom, Per, 1940-
Q124.6.S385 1982 509'.034 82-11254
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Science, technology and society in the time of
Alfred Nobel.
1. Science —History —Congresses
I. Bernhard, Carl Gustaf
509 Q125
ISBN 0-08-027939-2
Printed in Great Britain by A. Wheaton & Co. Ltd., Exeter
FOREWORD
This volume comprises papers presented at Nobel Symposium No. 52, on
'Science, technology and society in the time of Alfred Nobel', which took place
at Bjorkborn near Karlskoga from 17 to 22 August 1981. Also included are1
comments on the papers in each of five sessions prepared by invited discussants.
The Symposium was held to mark the eightieth anniversary of the first
awarding of the Nobel prizes in 1901. In choosing the theme for the Symposium,
the organizers sought to gain insight into three different aspects of Alfred
Nobel's work and time.
First, Alfred Nobel (1833—1896) lived during a period when science and
technology, separately and concurrently, were instrumental in reshaping the
daily life, work and thinking of large populations: hence, the intrinsic interest
in examining the interfaces of science and technology as well as their impact
upon society during a time which many have seen as the source of our present-
day scientific and technological world.
Second, Alfred Nobel partook of the scientific and technological enterprise
of his time through his invention of explosives. Knowledge about the scientific
and technological strivings and about society in the time of Alfred Nobel is
important to gain a perspective on his life's work and to understand its successes
and failures.
Third, Alfred Nobel used his huge fortune to create the Nobel prizes, thus
leaving a legacy which extended from his own time into the present. Since the
prizes served to highlight and to legitimize developments in the disciplines
concerned (physics, chemistry and physiology or medicine) during the late
nineteenth century, they naturally enter into discussions of those developments.
This is illustrated by several of the papers in Sections II and III of this volume.
However, it also seemed fitting that a symposium that marked the first award-
ing of the prizes should examine the early history of the Nobel prize institution.
This matter was discussed at a special session: its genesis, purpose and results
are presented at the end of the present volume.
In this volume, the 'time' of Alfred Nobel is interpreted liberally and is not
restricted to his lifetime. This is intentional; it results from the choice of
participants, who have both general knowledge about science and technology
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and, more importantly,
can treat specialized subjects that highlight the interdependence of science,
1
Information about the organization and programme of the Symposium, as well as a list
of participants, are given at the end of this volume.
V
vi FOREWORD
technology and society. The time period covered in the papers extends roughly
from the 1860s to the outbreak of the First World War. Depending on the
object of his study and the concepts used, however, authors situate their work
at different points within the general period. This volume contains many
examples of such a 'conceptual', as opposed to a chronological, periodization;
the study of 'industrialization', for instance, necessitates looking back at the early
part of the period, or even before, whereas the authors who focus on its conse-
quences — e.g. changes in managerial structure or in the engineering profession—
naturally place their work at the end of the overall period.
Other authors have restricted themselves to specific time periods which, in
retrospect, appear to be the most interesting to historians of the overall period.
These have been characterized variously: for example, 'la belle epoque', 'fin-
de-siecle' and 'the turn of the century'. The latter term not only has great
utility, in that it can be stretched to cover several decades, but it is also a
pertinent one in the present context, since the turn of the century constituted
the high point of such new specialities as physical chemistry and biochemistry.
Although 'fin-de-siecle' covers the same time period, in popular usage it denotes
the mood of world-weariness — probably best described by the term Kultur-
pessimismus — that some writers felt was characteristic of the closing of the past
century. The term is also carried over to physics and is used to characterize a
set of attitudes toward scientific knowledge — 'descriptionism' being chief
among them — which emerge from the writings of physicists who were taking
stock of their discipline at the closing of the century.
To the historian of science and technology in the 'time' of Alfred Nobel, it
seems proper and natural to restrict the analysis of scientific and technological
ideas, theories and innovations to the specific time period under study. When-
ever necessary, however, he goes back in time in order to trace their origins.
For the working scientist who examines the history of his own discipline, it
may seem equally natural to extend the time perspective forward, and to base
his evaluations of ideas, theories and innovations, at least in part, on what
that science foretold of the present-day state of knowledge and its applica-
tions. In this volume, both perspectives are represented, although the latter is
a minority one.
This confrontation of viewpoints was also intended by the organizers: The
description of the Symposium that accompanied the letters of invitation was
as follows: 'By bringing together some thirty-five scholars, who have all been
engaged in studies of different aspects of science and technology in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, we hope, not so much to arrive at a
synthesis of the current state of knowledge about these matters (this being
perhaps overly ambitious) but to facilitate an exchange of viewpoints across
disciplinary boundaries.' As this volume shows, the hope for the latter was
amply fulfilled. Although the papers do not add up to a synthesis of science,
technology and society in the time of Alfred Nobel, they nevertheless point up
FOREWORD vii
the richness of problems for research — as well as of approaches and materials
to treat them — that this period offers the historian of science and technology.
Stockholm and Paris, November 1981 CARL GUSTAF BERNHARD
ELISABETH CRAWFORD
PER SORBOM
CHAIRMAN'S INTRODUCTION
Today, the Nobel prize is one of the few international awards known by name
to a large part of the non-scientific public, and it is probably the only prize that
almost every active scientist knows about. Considerably fewer people know
about the man behind the prizes, and very few have any idea of his connection
with Bjorkborn, Karlskoga, i.e. the place where the Nobel Foundation, in
August 1981, arranged an international Nobel Symposium on 'Science, Techno-
logy and Society in the Time of Alfred Nobel'.
When Alfred Nobel's will was to be executed, the question arose as to
whether France, Italy or Sweden should be regarded as the home of this lonely
cosmopolitan bachelor, known as the 'most wealthy European vagabond' —
born in Sweden, educated in Russia and with residences in Paris, San Remo and
Bjorkborn.
For several reasons — apart from the legal aspects — Bjorkborn came to be
regarded as his domicile, although it did not come into his hands until .two years
before his death in San Remo, Italy, in 1896. It is noteworthy that he had his
beautiful and expensive Russian horses — bought in St Petersburg — moved to
Bjorkborn from Paris where he used 'se promener en voiture en le Bois de
Boulogne'. In between his frequent international and intercontinental business
trips, Nobel might be found in the winter-garden of his elegant home on the
Avenue de Malakoff, entertaining a select group of international guests, in —
if necessary — five languages.
This summer happens to represent exactly 100 years since Nobel built him-
self a well-equipped laboratory in Sevran, near Paris, which offered facilities for
his varied experimental ventures into chemistry, physics and even human
physiology. The new laboratory was far better suited for those purposes than
the laboratories that had mainly been used for the development of explosives.
In general, most of Nobel's inventions served to further technical developments,
and the applications of his inventions resulted in the deposition of 355 patents.
His dangerous experiments on explosives were — in the beginning — carried
out with an almost unbelievable single-minded optimism and lack of theoretical
knowledge, and they took many lives, including that of his youngest brother.
These experiments were performed in various parts of the world, the first being
done in Stockholm in 1863 in cooperation with his father, Immanuel Nobel.
They led him from the practical application of nitroglycerine, including an
Xlll
xiv CARL GUSTAF BERNHARD
appropriate ignition device, via several intermediate steps to the invention of
dynamite or 'security explosive', patented in 1867.
Although Nobel subsequently directed his interest to the question of security,
the severe accidents that occurred in various countries brought forth protests
and temporary prohibitions. In addition, the marketing of his products gave
rise to endless patent disputes. Powerful persistence and an inventive fervour
carried him through these adversities. A new era had begun, with marvellous
possibilities for opening mines, clearing ground for cities and building roads,
tunnels and channels on the ground and under the water — but also for military
applications. Indeed, Nobel's inventions in explosives led to a worldwide
industry — one of the very first multinational enterprises — and he became a
rich man. It had been a great adventure from the first experiments (for which
he and his father were honoured by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in
1868) to the work in the laboratory in Bofors. It was built by Nobel in 1894
for the development of, among other things, artificial silk and rubber and for
studies that would serve industry in Bofors, which is involved in modern defence
technology.
However, these thirty years of adventure must have left many mental scars,
which, together with the pathos and even tragedy of his relations with the
opposite sex, complicated the life of this sensitive and lonely man — an inventor
of explosives who nourished literary ambitions and had a deep interest in the
peace movement. Was his large donation — his last gift to society — to be
regarded as a sign of penitence or as the erection of a monument for eternity?
We shall never know.
In his emotional life, the pendulum was always swinging between optimism
and deep pessimism; he often tried to hide his sensitivity behind ironic or even
cynical remarks. A complicated man, whom no thoughtful person can dismiss
simplistically as just another inventor; but who rather deserves our sympathetic
understanding. He was a man of great charm and winning ways, although — it
seems to me — not altogether an appealing personality. But who is?
We are all children of our time. Although Nobel had outstanding ability and
the power to rise high above the norm of contemporary human achievement,
he could not help being influenced by the habits, taboos and strivings of his
time, Ta belle epoque', which, to us, in our world, does not seem altogether
attractive either. Knowledge about the scientific and technological strivings
and the society of his time would be helpful in better understanding Alfred
Nobel; that was the topic of the Symposium, arranged eighty years after the
first Nobel prizes were awarded.
During the preparation of this Symposium, the Chairman of the Organizing
Committee, Professor Sten Lindroth, passed away. We feel deeply the sad loss
of a most dear friend, a remarkable person and an outstanding scholar. Know-
ing his enthusiasm and strong sense of commitment to the success of this
Symposium, I felt my own responsibility in taking over the Chairmanship to be
CHAIRMAN'S INTRODUCTION xv
all the greater. It is in this capacity that I thank all those who have contributed
to the Symposium and to this volume.
The Symposium was made possible by the gracious support of The Bank of
Sweden Tercentenary Foundation, the Nobel Foundation and the Bofors
Company.
CARL GUSTAF BERNHARD
The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, Stockholm, November 1981
DIVISION OF LABOUR AND THE
COMMON GOOD: THE INTERNATIONAL
ASSOCIATION OF ACADEMIES, 1899-1914*
BRIGITTE SCHROEDER-GUDEHUS
Institut d'histoire et de sociopolitique des sciences, Universite de Montreal, Montreal,
Province of Quebec, Canada
'Ours is an age of organisation.' Speaking to the National Academy of Sciences
in Washington at its Semi-Centennial Anniversary in 1913, the Secretary of the
Royal Society addressed h1imself to the problems and prospects of international
cooperation in research. In Arthur Schuster's view, scientific research had
entered upon a new era, in which the collaborative progress of knowledge could
no longer be entrusted exclusively to the informal interaction between individual
scientists nor to the uncoordinated efforts of a constantly increasing number of
independent international associations.
During the preceding decades, international scientific collaboration had
changed considerably. The expansion of international activities had been
spectacular, but the changes had been even more significant regarding their
form and structure. The handful of international scientific associations that
existed in the middle of the nineteenth century had grown to more than five
hundred in 1913. Whereas only one or two scientific congresses had been held
per year in the 1850s, by 2the turn of the century their number had reached an
annual average of thirty. In many cases, cooperation had emerged in response
to needs arising from scientific and technical progress, and much of this coopera-
tion wa3s undertaken at the initiative and upon the responsibility of govern-
ments. At the same time, there was no indication that this prodigious develop-
ment of organized collaboration had caused any decline in the traditional
patterns of scholarly relations, such as personal contacts and correspondence,
exchange of publications, study and research abroad, etc.
International scientific collaboration had thus developed into a network of
spectacular breadth and diversity. It is difficult to imagine how this phenomenon
could be completely recorded, let alone systematically evaluated. The absolute
importance of international collaboration for the advancement of scientific
knowledge is hardly ever called into question, although -- to the best of our
knowledge -- this importa4nce has not been systematically evaluated for specific
fields or specific periods. Interesting as it may be, it is not the only problem
*Translated from the French by Alan Duff.
3