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Chapter 20 Schools of Thought Related to Criminal Profiling Richard N. Kocsis Summary Thischapteroffersabriefoverviewofthedifferingschoolsofthoughtrelatedtocriminal profiling.Asdiscussedinthischapter,therecurrentlyappearstobethreedistinctapproachesthat operateundertherespectivetitlesofCriminalInvestigativeAnalysis,InvestigativePsychology, and Crime Action Profiling. The central ideological tenets and methodological characteristics underpinninganddifferentiatingeacharebrieflyoutlined. INTRODUCTION In one context, criminal profiling can be thought of as analogous to the topic of personality theory. Within the disciplines of psychiatry and psychology, there is common agreement with the existence of a construct known as “the mind.” Despite this basic consensus, there exist numerous rivalingideologicalschoolsofthoughtorapproachesconcernedwithexplaining how the mind functions. Examples include psychoanalytic, behaviorist, and biological theories. These theories and their incumbent ideological differences cumulatively serve to form what is now recognized as the topic of “personality theory.” Although there is some disagreement surrounding the precise parameters of the tangible activities encompassed by criminal profiling, the work and From:CriminalProfiling:InternationalTheory,Research,andPractice Editedby:R.N.Kocsis©HumanaPressInc.,Totowa,NJ 393 394 R.N. Kocsis research surrounding it can be understood in a not too dissimilar fashion. That is,thereiscommonagreementwiththeideathatitispossibletoevaluatecrime behaviors to derive some impression of the probable offender. Although there appearstobeagreementinthisfundamentalconcept,therearerivalingschools of thought (i.e., approaches) to describe how this may be accomplished. Before proceeding to discuss these approaches, it is important to first clarify for the purpose of this chapter the criteria concerning what consti- tutes a discrete defined approach to profiling. In this respect, an approach can be conceptualized as a collection of scholarly work that is composed of original empirical studies that possess some distinctive yet cohesive basis for the profiling of a variety of crimes (1). In articulating these criteria, it is importanttoclarifythatadefinedapproachtoprofilinginvolvesabodyofwork comprisingsomeoriginalsubstantive∗basethatisapplicabletoseveralformsof crime and is representative of more than one (or a few) forms of information.† At the time of publication, there appears to be three distinct schools of thought concerning the profiling‡ of crimes that satisfy these criteria and that operate under the respective titles of Criminal Investigative Analysis (CIA), Inves- tigative Psychology (IP) and Crime Action Profiling (CAP). This chapter will ∗ One corpus of thought that, within the criteria proposed by this chapter, is not considered to be an approach to profiling is that known as behavior evidence analysis (BEA) (2). The rationale for this being that BEA does not appear to be informed by a distinct and substantive body of original empirical research. Rather, it appears to be largely a fusion of existing scholarly literature (sourced primarily from the forensic sciences, criminology, and forensic psychology/psychiatry disciplines) with philosophical paradigms concerning reasoning processes for how a profile may be composed. A critique concerning the validity ofBEAcanbefoundinKocsisandPalermo(3)andPalermoandKocsis(4). † It should be noted that within the topic of criminal profiling, an area of specialization has evolved specifically related to the assessment of crime locations as a determinant of infor- mation relating to the offender. This specialization is commonly referred to as geographic profiling (5). It should be recognized that whilst geographic profiling does possess its own discrete corpus of scholarly research, this specialization in itself does not represent a cogent approach to the profiling of violent crimes. Instead, geographic profiling is better conceptu- alized as one component of information inherent to a criminal profile alongside other forms ofinformationsuchasage,gender,andreligion.Anyrationalethatposturesthatgeographic profiling is a discrete approach unto itself implies that a veritable multitude of profiling specializationsexistasdefinedbytheirdisciplinaryorigins.Forexample,thereasoningbehind the prediction of an offender’s race could feasibly represent the basis for anthropological profiling.Alternatively,theevaluationofanoffender’sreligioncouldbethebasisforeccle- siasticalprofiling.Assuchconceptionsarenotaccepted,geographicprofiling,whilstatopic ofrobustscientificinquiry,shouldnotbeviewedasanapproachtoprofilinginandofitself. ‡ In making this statement, it must be clarified that there exist many distinguished scholars in the field of violent crime who have made substantial contributions; however, the scope of theirworkdoesnot,asyetintheauthor’sview,constituteanapproachtoprofiling. Schools of Thought Related to Criminal Profiling 395 discuss the methodological tenets and theoretical characteristics that underpin and differentiate each of these approaches.¶ CLINICAL PERSPECTIVES INTO CRIMINAL PROFILING Beforediscussingthedefinedapproachestocriminalprofiling,itisworth- while commenting on the clinically orientated practice of profiling crimes that has,attimes,beenreferredtoasdiagnosticevaluation(DE)(4).DEsarerepre- sentativeofsomeoftheoldestformsofprofiling,astheyinvolveexpertsbeing consulted to employ their professional training and clinical expertise in the evaluation of a crime by providing a criminal profile. Historical examples of such DEs include Dr. Thomas Bond in the Whitechapel murders (aka Jack the Ripper)(6)orDr.JamesBrusselwiththeMadBomberofNewYorkandBoston Stranglerinvestigations(7).However,morecontemporaneousexamplesinclude Russian psychiatrist Dr. Alex Buchonosky (8), Professor George Palermo (9), or Psychologist Paul Britton (10). Strictlyspeaking,DEsdonotrepresentadefinedapproachtoprofilingbut arebetterthoughtofasa“circumstance”inwhichcriminalprofilesare,attimes, constructed. That is, experts (typically psychiatrists or psychologists) use their professional training such as their understanding of human psychopathologies combined with their clinical expertise to evaluate or diagnose crime behaviors andprofilethelikelyoffender.Consequently,althoughsomescholarlyresearch can be associated with this circumstance of evaluating crimes (11–14), the individual efforts of these professionals, though conceptually similar, do not constitute a cohesive approach to profiling. As a whole, DEs are more repre- sentative of the independent efforts of various mental health practitioners in attempting to profile crimes. Notwithstanding this point, it is nonetheless important to contextually appreciate the existence of DEs particularly with reference to the subse- quent evolution of profiling. First, the circumstance surrounding DEs is evidence of the historical origins of criminal profiling and thus serves to dispel the notion that the concept of criminal profiling is a recent innovation or that it was the invention of any particular individual or law enforcement organization.Second,DEsarguablyremainthemostreadilyaccessiblemethod ¶ This chapter does not intend to offer a substantive critique of the relative merits of the approachesbutinsteadisfocusedonhighlightingthecentralfeaturesandnuancesthatcharac- terizeanddistinguisheachofthem.Readerswhowouldlikemoreinformationintheformof acritiqueoftherelativemeritsoftheseapproachescanconsultPalermoandKocsis(4). 396 R.N. Kocsis bywhichacriminalprofilemaybeobtained,thatis,byconsultinganavailable mental health professional. CRIMINAL INVESTIGATIVE ANALYSIS Whilst not the inventors, the body of profiling research developed by the American Federal Bureau of Investigation Behavioral Sciences Unit and referred to as Criminal Investigative Analysis (CIA) nonetheless represents the firstcoherentideologicalschoolofthoughtand,arguably,approachtocriminal profiling.ThroughthedevelopmentofCIA,themembersoftheFBIBehavioral Science Unit (both past and present) can be credited with another notable distinction. Through the advocacy of their approach to profiling, these FBI officers have unquestionably popularized and promoted interest in the concept of profiling within international law enforcement and scientific communities. This development should not in any capacity be underestimated, as without their endeavors it is debatable to what extent or speed the development of criminal profiling would have progressed beyond the context of DEs (4). At its most basic ideological level, CIA conceptualizes profiling as a form of forensic investigative technique used within a policing context. The impetus for the development of CIA appears to stem from perceived dissatis- faction with the clinical/treatment-oriented perspectives incumbent to profiles generatedbyDEs(15,16).Instead,amorepragmaticapproachthatwasfocused on the provision of information that was directly attenuated to the opera- tionalneedsofpoliceinvestigatorsseemedpreferable(16).Accompanyingthis paradigm shift was an abandonment of nomenclature that was perceived to be overtly psychological/psychiatric in connotation. Thus, as the information conceived as being within profiles would not be overtly concerned with issues ofdiagnosisortreatmentterminologysuchas“crimesceneanalysis,”“staging,” and “signature” emerged and were favored over terms such as “psychological” or “personality” profiling (15,17). CIA was originally developed to augment the investigation of crimes that were not readily resolvable through more conventional investigative avenues (18–21). These were typically crimes of an aberrant violent nature (serial murders, serial rapes, etc.), where common criminological causality factors were not evident. Over the course of time, the scope of CIA’s application appears to have expanded in some contexts, but the bulk of extant literature surrounding it nonetheless remains oriented toward being a technique aimed at assisting in the investigation of intractable crimes most often of an atypical violent nature. The methodological basis underpinning the CIA approach to profiling appears to be largely founded on the empirically based generation of Schools of Thought Related to Criminal Profiling 397 crime/offender typologies. Possibly, the earliest and most renowned amongst theseistheorganized/disorganizeddichotomydevelopedfromastudyofsexual murderers (22,23). This typology, arguably, represents the cornerstone piece of research to much of the literature surrounding CIA. The premise of the dichotomy is the differentiation of crime behavior by its inherent level of sophistication. Accordingly, the “organized” typology is said to be reflective of methodical, planned behaviors that are believed to concord with offender characteristics reflective of an individual with a comparatively organized lifestyle. The opposite to this is the “disorganized” typology that is reflective of behaviors that are spontaneous, unplanned in nature, and that are said to be similarly demonstrative of the offender’s personal characteristics such as being slovenly in appearance. Subsequent to the development of this dichotomy, Hazelwood and Burgess (24) built on the classifications espoused by Groth et al. (25,26) to develop a typology related to rapists whilst other researchers under the CIA banner expanded into the area of arson (27). The culmination of these endeavors in developing various crime/offender typologies as well as some conceptual discourse concerning the bona fides of evident crime scene behaviors(28)appearstobethepublicationoftheCrimeClassificationManual (29): a veritable almanac of crime/offender templates. With the development of these templates, the CIA method to profiling is achieved by comparing similarities between aspects of the crime under investigation with the relevant typology. Although some step-models have been articulated that in broad procedural terms describe how profiles are constructed(30,31)usingtheCIAapproach,apreciseexplanationofhowcrime behaviorsaresystematicallyinterpretedfromaparticularoffensewithreference to the developed typologies does not currently appear available. Consequently, although descriptions of the process of collecting and evaluating case material are available, clear explanation as to how the multitude of potential variables contained within any of the typologies are interpreted in a systematic fashion is yet to be explained. In this respect, the construction of criminal profiles via the CIA approach appears to be a largely idiosyncratic process dependent on the interpretations made by the individual practitioner in matching behaviors evident in a crime with their potential relevance to behaviors and offender characteristics from the developed typology (4). INVESTIGATIVE PSYCHOLOGY Thesecondideologicalschoolofthoughtinformingtheprofilingofcrimes isthatofInvestigativePsychology(IP).ThefounderofthisapproachisBritish Psychologist Professor David Canter (32). As the term implies, IP involves 398 R.N. Kocsis many significant ideological nuances. Foremost among these is its conceptu- alization of profiling as part of an emerging scholarly discipline (33). That is, IP appears to be conceived as a discrete discipline of scientific endeavor concerned with the application of the discipline of psychology to the study of crimes and their investigation. Unlike CIA, which views profiling more in terms of a practiced technique, IP appears to adopt a much broader view in embracingabroaddisciplinary-basedunderstandingofcriminalbehavior.Asa consequence,theevaluationofcrimebehaviorsandtheassociatedpredictionof offender characteristics from those behaviors (aka criminal profiling) represent only one type of activity within the scholarly boundary of knowledge collec- tively argued to fall under the banner of IP. As a consequence, the ideology of IPappearstoadoptamuchbroaderconceptualizationsurroundingthescopeof its application and thus extends beyond aberrant violent crimes and into more conventional forms of crime (34–39). This is another notable characteristic of IP distinct from other approaches that are mostly orientated toward more atypical intractable violent crimes. The methodology underpinning the IP approach to profiling is predom- inantly(cid:3) characterized by a stylized procedure for the ideographic analysis of crime behaviors and offender characteristics using the statistical tool of multidimensional scaling (MDS).§ In what appears to be the first publication characteristic of the IP approach, Canter and Heritage (40) posit that other endeavors are flawed and argue that the effective profiling of crimes requires the differentiation of crime behaviors as distinct from the inference of motiva- tions. The entanglement of these constructs is argued to be present in much of the previous literature such as that of CIA (40). Thus, over the years, researchers operating under the IP banner have produced a variety of studies focusedonespousingthematicpatternsinoffensebehaviorsofvariousformsof crime (35,40,41). What is perhaps most important to appreciate in differentiating the ideologicalcharacteristicsofIPisnotonlytheexactmethodologicalprocedure concerning how the MDS statistic is used but the manner in which the results (cid:3) This discussion pertains to the overall work associated with the IP movement in the context ofprofilingbiographicalfeaturesofanoffender. § Forthosereadersunfamiliarwithstatisticalprocedures,MDSisaformofstatisticalanalysis whereby relationships between variables can be assessed and depicted through a diagram (commonlyreferredtoasamap),utilizingdot-pointicons.Thus,thecloseranytwovariables are depicted to each other in geometric space on an MDS map, the stronger the relationship betweenthevariables,andconversely,thefurtherapartthevariablesmayappear,theweaker the relationship between the variables. Further explanation of MDS analytic procedures can befoundintheworkofKocsis(1)orCoxon(42). Schools of Thought Related to Criminal Profiling 399 oftheanalysesareputtouse.InthecontextofIP,theMDSstatisticistypically usedtoundertaketwoseparatesetsofanalyses(i.e.,oneofcrimebehaviorsand the other, offender characteristics). The results of these analyses form the basis for developing an understanding or theorems concerning patterns or aspects inherent to such crime behaviors as well as discernable groups of descriptive characteristicsfortheoffendersofthosecrimes.AnexampleoftheIPmethod- ology and its characteristic use of MDS is an analysis of domestic homicides to generate a theorem that argues that the perpetration of such crimes can be differentiated on the basis of either serving an “instrumental” or “expressive” purpose (35). Alongside such conceptions will typically be another set of analyses concerned with patterns in offender characteristics that may relate to eitherofthesebehavioralthemes.Consequently,constructingacriminalprofile (in the traditional context∗∗) when tackled from the IP perspective involves an examination of the crime in question with reference to a previously developed theorem concerning the relevant form of crime behavior to in turn espouse characteristics about any given offender. CRIME ACTION PROFILING The third school of thought concerning criminal profiling is the work of the author referred to as Crime Action Profiling (CAP) (1). At its most funda- mental level, CAP takes the view that profiling is, akin to CIA, a technique that an individual performs but within the disciplinary boundaries of forensic psychology/psychiatry.†† Thisconceptionisimportanttoappreciateasitdiffers from that of CIA, which also adopts the view that profiling is a technique but withinapolicingdisciplinarycontext,andisalsodifferentfromthatofIP,which suggeststhatprofilingisrepresentativeofadistinctpsychologicalsubdiscipline. Asaconsequenceofthisperspective,theapproachofCAPassumesknowledgeof theexistingliteraturerelatingtohumanbehaviorandpsychopathologies(1).Also integraltotheCAPapproachisitspragmaticorientation.Thatis,CAPfocuseson specificformsofcrimethat,withintheoperationalenvironmentofpoliceinves- tigations,mayoftentangiblyuseand/orbenefitfromtheuseofacriminalprofile. This perspective is somewhat analogous to CIA, but quite different from IP, as ∗∗ Asopposedtosomeoftheotheractivities,IPpractitionersappeartohaveexpandedinto(43). †† Itmustbeclarifiedthatthisconceptualizationofcriminalprofilingasatechniquewithinthedisci- plinaryboundariesofforensicpsychiatry/psychologyrelatestothebodyofscientificknowledge associatedwiththesedisciplines.Thisisnottomeanthatthepracticeofconstructingcriminal profilesshouldberestrictedtoindividualsprofessionallyqualifiedfromthesedisciplinesbut thatthebodyofscientificknowledgethatcomprisesprofilingisbetterviewedasoriginating fromthetopicdomainsofforensicpsychologyandpsychiatry(1). 400 R.N. Kocsis itseestheendeavorsofCAPadoptingacomparativelynarrow‡‡ focusoncrime modalities that are of an aberrant and often intractable nature, that is, atypical crimesthatseemtochallengetypicalinvestigativeresponses(44). How CAP conceives of profiling as a technique within the existing disci- plinaryboundariesofforensicpsychology/psychiatryisalsoimportantinappre- ciating the two separate tiers of research produced under the CAP banner. In addition to the study of mental disease, the disciplines of psychology and psychiatry invest significant effort in developing skills of its practitioners in performing tasks within these professions such as interviewing, diagnosis, and treatment (45–48). In a similar context, work and research under the banner of CAP has diversified into not only developing models for the profiling of crimes but also into studying the efficacy and logistical factors surrounding the processes related to the construction of criminal profiles. This represents a significant deviation as other approaches to profiling have, thus far, been predominantly oriented toward developing techniques for profiling. Finally, the conception of profiling as a technique within the disciplinary boundariesofpsychiatry/psychologyisalsothebasisforthetitleCAP.Thatis, the term is used to help differentiate it from other tasks that psychiatrists and psychologistsmayperform,suchasthedevelopmentofpersonalityprofilesvia the use of psychometric tests (49,50). In this context, the title CAP is intended to reflect the inherent processes involved in the consideration of crime actions and the prediction of characteristics of the likely perpetrator (i.e., profiling) of those crime actions. ThemethodologicalbasisunderlyingtheCAPapproach¶¶ toprofilingata cursorylevelmayappearsimilartoIPinthatitanalysescrimebehaviorsutilizing a form of MDS statistic. Beyond the use of this statistical tool, however, the methodologies and approaches differ markedly. As previously mentioned, the characteristic style of the IP approach is to often conduct many separate MDS analyses on data pertaining to crime behaviors and offender characteristics and fromtheseanalysesespousetheorems.CAPdoesnotoperatetoadoptsuchconcep- tions.Instead,itsanalysesareorientatedtowardusingMDSincombinationwith other statistical and mathematical tools to develop conceptual models that can ‡‡ Feasibly, CAP models could hypothetically be developed for any form of crime. However, whether such models would have any pragmatic, as opposed to purely academic, value is debatable.OwingtotheutilitarianorientationofCAPresearchandthelogisticalencumbrance indevelopingCAPmodels,researchanddevelopmenteffortsarefocusedonatypicalcrimes thatare,arguably,mostlikelytobenefitfromtheuseofcriminalprofiles. ¶¶ Pertaining to procedures for the analysis of crime actions as opposed to the practice of constructingprofiles—theotherresearchstrand. Schools of Thought Related to Criminal Profiling 401 operateasaguidingmechanismforthegenerationofpredictionsthatservetoform the basis of information contained in a criminal profile.§§ In this context, large studieswereconductedbytheauthorandhiscolleaguesinvolvingvariousforms of crimes, which, as previously mentioned, are argued to be suited to profiling. These studies generated an MDS map/diagram of commonly interrelated crime behaviors.Ontopoftheseinitialanalysesofcrimebehaviorsarestatisticalcorre- lations of numerous offender characteristics that are directly related to those crime behaviors. These statistical relationships between crime scene behaviors andoffendercharacteristicsaredepictedontheMDSmapthroughtheuseoflarge arrowsthataredrawnovertheMDSdiagram.Theorientationsofthesearrowsare determinedbygeometricalgorithms.Thecombinationoftheseanalysescombined withthesuperimposedarrowsontheMDSdiagramrepresentsaCAP“model.” Consequently,eachofthestudiesconductedinrespectofcrimesofserial/sexual murder,serialrape,andserialarsonhasproducedtheirowndistinctCAPmodel that can be used for the purpose of profiling future offenses exhibiting each of thesecrimemodalities.Theoperationalprocessofconstructingacriminalprofile throughtheCAPapproachisthroughtheuseofoneofthesemodels.Anindividual assesses the behaviors evident in the crime in question and then refers to the relevantCAPmodeltomatchcrimebehaviorswiththosedelineatedinthemodel andthusidentifiesoffendercharacteristicsassociatedwiththosebehaviorsfrom thedirectionofthevariousarrows.TheprocessofusingoneoftheCAPmodels,in ametaphoricalcontext,isnottoodissimilarinconcepttohowreadingsaretaken fromacompass.ThecompendiumofworkandresearchencompassedbytheCAP approachcanbefoundinKocsis(1). CONCLUSIONS Although criminal profiling as a scientific endeavor has experienced a somewhat tardy start, scientific progress in the area appears to be gaining momentum. This chapter has attempted to sketch out a general history surrounding the development to date of different approaches to criminal profiling. Analogous to developments in the field of personality theory, something of an evolutionary path can be discerned between the different approachesaseachseekstobuildandimproveonitsideologicalandconceptual foundations. Analogous also to the various rivaling personality theories, each approachtoprofilingdiscussedpossessesitsinherentstrengthsandweaknesses. §§ Thus,thekeydifferenceisthatIPusesMDSasamethodofstatisticalanalysistoelucidatesome conceptionaboutcrimebehavior.Incontrast,CAPutilizestheMDSstatisticasanintegralpart ofitsmodelsforprofiling. 402 R.N. Kocsis With further refinements and innovations occurring over time, it is hoped that greater possibilities for the profiling of crimes will emerge in the future. REFERENCES 1. Kocsis, R.N. (2006). Criminal Profiling: Principles and Practice. Totowa, NJ: Humana Press. 2. Turvey, B. (2000). Criminal Profiling: An Introduction to Behavioral Evidence Analysis. London: Academic Press. 3. Kocsis,R.N.&Palermo,G.B.(2005).Tenmajorproblemswithcriminalprofiling. Am J Forensic Psychiatry, 26(2), 1–26. 4. Palermo, G.B. & Kocsis, R.N. (2005). Offender Profiling: An Introduction to the SociopsychologicalAnalysisofViolentCrime.Springfield,IL:CharlesC.Thomas. 5. Rossmo, D.K. (2000). Geographic Profiling. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press. 6. Rumbelow, D. (1988). The Complete Jack the Ripper. London: Penguin. 7. Brussel,J.(1968).CasebookofaCriminalPsychiatrist.NewYork:BernardGeis. 8. Conradi, P. (1992). Red Ripper. New York: Dell. 9. Palermo, G.B. (2004). The Faces of Violence (2nd ed.). Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. 10. Britton, P. (1997). The Jigsaw Man. London: Bantam Press. 11. Brown, J.S. (1991). The psychopathology of serial sexual homicide: a review of the possibilities. Am J Forensic Psychiatry, 12, 13–21. 12. Drukteinis, A.M. (1992). Serial murder: the heart of darkness. Psychiatr Ann, 22, 532–538. 13. Fahy,T.A.,Wessely,S.&David,A.(1988).Werewolves,vampiresandcannibals. Med Sci Law, 28, 145–149. 14. Rappaport, R.G. (1988). The serial and mass murderer: patterns, differentiation, pathology. Am J Forensic Psychiatry, 9, 39–48. 15. Douglas, J.E. & Oleshaker, M. (1995). Mindhunter. New York: Scribner. 16. Ressler, R.K. & Shachtman, T. (1992). Whoever Fights Monsters. London: Simon & Schuster. 17. Ressler,R.K.(1995).CriminalInvestigativeAnalysisandCrimeSceneAssessment Seminar. Paper Presented at the Training Seminar of the Bates Crime Society, Sydney, Australia. 18. Ault, R.L. & Reese, J.T. (1980). A psychological assessment of crime profiling. FBI Law Enf Bull, 49(3), 22–25. 19. Pinizzotto, A.J. (1984). Forensic psychology: criminal personality profiling. J Police Sci and Admin, 12(1), 32–40. 20. Ressler,R.K.(1985).Violentcrimes.FBILawEnforcementBulletin,54(8),1–31. 21. Vorpagel,R.E.(1982).Paintingpsychologicalprofiles:charlatanism,coincidence, charisma or new science. Police Chief, 3(8), 156–159. 22. Hazelwood,R.R.&Douglas,J.E.(1980).Thelustmurderer.FBILawEnforcement Bulletin, 49(4), 18–22.

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and forensic psychology/psychiatry disciplines) with philosophical paradigms concerning reasoning Alternatively, the evaluation of an offender's religion could be the basis for eccle- .. Turvey, B. (2000). Criminal Profiling: An Introduction to Behavioral Evidence . Arrigo, B.A. & Shipley, S.L. (2
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