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260 Pages·1992·30.081 MB·English
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Diagnostic Criteria for Schizophrenia A. Presence of characteristic psychotic symptoms in the active phase: either (1), (2), or (3) for at least one week (unless the symptoms are successfully treated): (1) two of the following: (a) delusions (b) prominent hallucinations (throughout the day for several days or sev eral times a week for several weeks, each hallucinatory experience not being limited to a few brief moments) (c) incoherence or marked loosening of associations (d) catatonic behavior (e) flat or grossly inappropriate affect (2) bizarre delusions (i.e., involving a phenomenon that the person's culture would regard as totally implausible, e.g., thought broadcasting, being controlled by a dead person) (3) prominent hallucinations [as defined in (1 )(b) above] of a voice with content having no apparent relation to depression or elation, or a voice keeping up a running commentary on the person's behavior or thoughts, or two or more voices conversing with each other B. During the course of the disturbance, functioning in such areas as work, social relations, and self-care is markedly below the highest level achieved before onset of the disturbance (or, when the onset is in childhood or adolescence, failure to achieve expected level of social development). C. Schizoaffective Disorder and Moo(j. Disorder with Psychotic Features have been ruled out, i.e., if a Major Depressive or Manic Syndrome has ever been present during an active phase of the disturbance, the total duration of all episodes of a mood syndrome has been brief relative to the total duration of the active and residual phases of the disturbance. D. Continuous signs of the disturbance for at least six months. The six-month period must include an active phase (of at least one week, or less if symptoms have been successfully treated) during which there were psychotic symptoms characteristic of Schizophrenia (symptoms in A), with or without a prodromal or residual phase, as defined below. Prodromal phase: A clear deterioration in functioning before the active phase of the disturbance that is not due to a disturbance in mood or to a Psychoac tive Substance Use Disorder and that involves at least two of the symptoms listed below. Residual phase: Following the active phase of the disturbance, persistence of at least two of the symptoms noted below, these not being due to a distur bance in mood or to a Psychoactive Substance Use Disorder. Prodromal or Residual Symptoms: (1) marked social isolation or withdrawal (2) marked impairment in role functioning as wage-earner, student, or home maker (3) markedly peculiar behavior (e.g., collecting garbage, talking to self in public, hoarding food) (4) marked impairment in personal hygiene and grooming (5) blunted or inappropriate affect (6) digressive, vague, overelaborate, or circumstantial speech, or poverty of speech, or poverty of content of speech (7) odd beliefs or magical thinking, influencing behavior and inconsistent with cultural norms, e.g., superstitiousness, belief in clairvoyance, telep athy, "sixth sense," "others can feel my feelings," overvalued ideas, ideas of reference (8) unusual perceptual experiences, e.g., recurrent illusions, sensing the presence of a force or person not actually present (9) marked lack of initiative, interests, or energy Examples: Six months of prodromal symptoms with one week of symptoms from A; no prodromal symptoms with six months of symptoms from A; no prodromal symptoms with one week of symptoms from A and six months of residual symptoms. E. It cannot be established that an organic factor initiated and maintained the disturbance. F. If there is a history of Autistic Disorder, the additional diagnosis of Schizo phrenia is made only if prominent delusions or hallucinations are also present. Reprinted with permission from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Third Edition, Revised. Copyright 1987 American Psychiatric Association. Schizophrenic Disorders Sense and Nonsense in Conceptualization, Assessment, and Treatment PERSPECTIVES ON INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES CECIL R. REYNOLDS, Texas A&M University, College Station ROBERT T. BROWN, University of North Carolina, Wilmington Current volumes in the series EXPLORATIONS IN TEMPERAMENT International Perspectives on Theory and Measurement Edited by Jan Strelau and Alois Angleitner HANDBOOK OF CREATIVITY Assessment, Research, and Theory Edited by John A. Glover, Royce R. Ronning, and Cecil R. Reynolds HANDBOOK OF MULTIVARIATE EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOWGY Second Edition Edited by John R. Nesselroade and Raymond B. Cattell HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS OF EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY Edited by John A. Glover and Royce R. Ronning INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN CARDIOVASCULAR RESPONSE TO STRESS Edited by 1. Rick Turner, Andrew Sherwood, and Kathleen C. Ught THE INDIVIDUAL SUBJECT AND SCIENTIFIC PSYCHOLOGY Edited by Jaan Valsiner LEARNING STRATEGIES AND LEARNING STYLES Edited by Ronald R. Schmeck PERSONALITY DIMENSIONS AND AROUSAL Edited by Jan Strelau and Hans J. Eysenck PERSONALITY, SOCIAL SKILLS, AND PSYCHOPATHOLOGY An Individual Differences Approach Edited by David G. Gilbert and James J. Connolly SCHIZOPHRENIC DISORDERS Sense and Nonsense in Conceptualization, Assessment, and Treatment Leighton C. Whitaker THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS OF BEHAVIOR THERAPY Edited by Hans J. Eysenck and Irene Martin A Continuation Order Plan is available for this series. A continuation order will bring delivery of each new volume immediately upon publication. Volumes are billed only upon actual shipment. For further information please contact the publisher. Schizophrenic Disorders Sense and Nonsense in Conceptualization, Assessment, and Treatment Leighton C. Whitaker Swarthmore College Swarthmore, Pennsylvania With a chapter by Antonio E. Puente University of North Carolina at Wilmington Wilmington, North Carolina Springer Science+Business Media, LLC Llbrary of Congress Cataloglng-ln-Publlcatlon Data Whltaker, Lelghton C. Schlzophrenlc dlsorders : sense and nonsense In conceptuallzatlon, assessment, and treatment / Lelghton C. Whltaker ; wlth a contrlbutlon by Antonia E. Puente. p. cm. -- <Perspectlves an Individual differences) Includes blbllagraphlcal references and index. 1. Schlzaphrenla. 2. Schizaphrenla--Dlagnasls. 1. Puente, Antanla E. II. Tltle. III. Serles. [DNLM: 1. Schlzaphrenla--diagnasls. 2. Schizophrenla--therapy. 3. Schlzophrenlc Psychalagy. WM 203 W577s1 RC514.W433 1992 616.8S'82--dc20 DNLM/DLC for Llbrary of Congress 92-17021 CIP ISBN 978-1-4419-3222-8 ISBN 978-1-4757-2159-1 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-4757-2159-1 ©1992 Springer Science+Business Media New York Originally published by Plenurn Press, New York in 1992 Softcover reprint ofthe hardcover Ist edition 1992 AlI rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording, or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher For Suzanne, Corinne, Priscilla, and Benjamin Preface No diagnosis of mental disorder is more important or more disputable than that of "schizophrenia." The 1982 case of John Hinckley, who shot President Reagan, brought both aspects of this diagnostic dilemma to the forefront of national attention. It became evident to the general public that the experts engaged to study him exhaustively could not agree on whether Hinckley was schizophrenic. General public outrage ensued, as schizophrenia, "the sacred symbol of psychiatry," in the words of Thomas Szasz (1976), emerged as a king of Alice in Wonderland travesty. Schizo phrenia seemed not to be a legitimate diagnostic entity but some sort of facade erected to protect the guilty. In 1973, David Rosenhan had already shown the readers of Science that schizo phrenia was a label that could be given to normal people presenting with a supposed auditory hallucination on even one occasion. In Rosenhan's studies, mental health professionals were outclassed by the regular psychiatric hospital patients, who cor rectly saw the false schizophrenics as imposters while the professional diagnosticians continued to fool themselves. These events are not isolated. Despite the many claims to diagnostic certainty, universally accepted criteria for calling someone a schizophrenic do not exist. At most, a high rate of agreement occurs only when a group of mental health profes sionals in the same institution are trained rigorously to use certain diagnostic criteria to rate information obtained in a certain way. However, so many systems are used for diagnosis that, although one group of experts may agree substantially among them selves, no two groups are likely to agree with each other. A patient clearly defined as schizophrenic by the experts at one institution may easily be diagnosed differently at another institution. Our confidence falls still more when, as usually happens in ordinary practice, diagnoses are generally made quickly, often by someone in training who sees the patient for perhaps 15 minutes in an emergency room. Once made, the diagnosis tends to stick, or if changed, it may be changed, for example, to "manic depressive illness" just as arbitrarily as the original diagnosis was given. The un wittingly primitive nature of much ordinary diagnostic practice results in little or no information about the degree of disorder, its position on the dimension of acute to chronic, motivational and situational considerations, or the patient's strengths, though vii viii Preface all of these individual differences are crucial to meaningful assessment and treatment. Although there are notable exceptions to these all-too-typical practices, vagueness of definition makes possible many varieties of uses and misuses of the label schizo phrenia. Many experiences have led to my writing this book, including various clinical and research undertakings at six psychiatric hospitals over a period of 15 years, plus many years of outpatient work with severely disturbed persons. One of my first experiences was with a 23-year-old woman who had two children and was in the process of a divorce, and who was accurately diagnosed as having Hodgkin's disease in the fourth or terminal stage back when no cure existed. She was expected to live for less than two years. Her only "skill' was dancing, which she had to give up because of her disease. She became severely withdrawn; was admitted to a psychiatric hospital, where she was diagnosed as "schizophrenic"; and was told by the chief psychiatrist-trained at an elite psychiatric institution-that she would always be schizophrenic. But her psychotherapist, who agreed that she had become schizo phrenic, predicted a successful outcome. Her hope and hard work enabled her to become quite normal psychologically, according to independent observation, until more than 11 years later, when she finally died of Hodgkin's disease. Her physician, a hematologist, ascribed her surprising longevity to her great will to live. He said that she was the most normal person he had ever known, and he credited her with keeping up his morale and that of his colleagues, and of other terminal patients, for whom she had begun a group support program. He refused to believe, at first, that she had ever been diagnosed as schizophrenic or had ever been in a mental hospital. This case and many others impressed on me the need to go far beyond the simple diagnostic label schizophrenia, with its stereotyped connotations. Whereas, traditionally, "schizophrenics" have been grouped together as if they were a homogeneous lot of creatures vastly different from "normals," I know of no other diagnostic group in which the individuals are more different, both intraindi vidually and interindividually. Careful observational studies show that the intraindi vidual differences are enormous, as exemplified in changes within the individual over time-sometimes from one day to another as well as over the years. As Silvano Arieti (1974), the late psychiatrist who devoted most of his life to trying to understand and help schizophrenics, said, "A striking characteristic of schizophrenia is the great variability of its course" (p. 49). Interindividual differences are also marked. A diagnosis of schizophrenia may be distinguished, ironically, from other psychiatric diagnoses by the heterogeneity of the people given that label. As Arieti (1974) stated, "The symptomatology of schizo phrenia assumes a large number of clinical forms" (p. 30). Psychiatrists Strauss and Carpenter (1981) declared that Heterogeneity of patients classified as schizophrenic is almost the haIlmark of the disorder; yet, the modal schizophrenic patient is often processed through the health care system with surprisingly little attention paid to him or her as an individual and with unwarranted assumptions that the individual represents primarily one case in a homogeneous group phenomenon (p. 208). Preface ix Professional opinions about the concept of schizophrenia tend to fall into two schools: The first opinion, of believers in schizophrenia as a meaningful diagnostic category, is that "schizophrenics" have enough in common to be addressed ade quately by nomothetic science; the second is that they do not. Some members of the first school tend to overemphasize the sameness among people called schizophrenic, whereas members of the second school tend to disdain the term altogether in favor of emphasizing individual differences. I propose that both nomothetic science and idiographic science should be used, and that these two approaches must be integrated if the concept of schizophrenic disorders is to make sense. The result, politically, of emphasizing the nomothetic approach to the virtual exclusion of the idiographic is to homogenize "schizophrenics," usually for purposes of biological theory and treatment, as if they literally have physical diseases of the mind. Single-minded emphasis on the individual differences, however, has often enabled professionals and society at large to deny responsibility for providing any treatment or care. The deinstitutionalization movement in the United States, which emphasizes freedom and deemphasizes care and treatment, has left most patients without any viable care-whether inpatient or outpatient-quite as if the patients have no really disabling deficits and can essentially take care of themselves. Despite claims to the contrary, there is little evidence that the care and treatment that society provides people called schizophrenic is much better today than that provided in previous eras. I decided, after reading much of the literature, doing research, working directly with schizophrenic persons for many years, and teaching courses on schizophrenic disorders, to write a book that would present a primarily psychosocial perspective on schizophrenic disorders, emphasizing an evaluation of both the assessed and the assessors. What follows is an attempt to take into account the personal, economic, and political pressures that (on one hand) segregate schizophrenic persons into disease entities having little or no kinship with the rest of us in terms of our deeply human emotions, personal relationships, and ways of thinking, and that (on the other hand) deny the seriousness of these disorders and their substantial commonality. This book attempts to delineate the sense and nonsense of how schizophrenic disorders are conceptualized and assessed and how persons labeled schizophrenic are treated, as well as the sense and nonsense of schizophrenic modes of being. LEIGHTON C. WmTAKER Swarthmore, Pennsylvania

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